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US President Donald Trump has announced that countries supplying Iran with military weapons will face immediate 50% tariffs on all goods sold to the United States, with no exemptions. This move comes hours after Trump agreed to a two-week ceasefire with Tehran.In a social media post, Trump stated that 'A Country supplying Military Weapons to Iran will be immediately tariffed, on any and all goods sold to the United States of America, 50%, effective immediately. There will be no exclusions or exemptions!'However, experts have raised questions about the legal authority behind Trump's announcement, as the Supreme Court struck down his use of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) to impose broad global tariffs in February. The IEEPA has been used extensively for decades to back financial sanctions against Iran, Russia, and North Korea.Rachel Ziemba, adjunct senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security, told Al Jazeera that 'it's a lot more complicated to do that after IEEPA was struck down. There's no immediate policy lever and authorisation that is available for the US to do that. So they need either an act of Congress or need to adapt some other trade tool.'Trump did not specify which countries could face punitive tariffs, but China and Russia have helped Iran build military capacity to counter US and Israeli pressure. The US imports from Russia have fallen sharply since the invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and the wave of financial sanctions imposed on Moscow.Josh Lipsky, vice president and chair of international economics at the Atlantic Council, said that 'this is a China-related threat, the way I read it. And China will read it that way.' However, he also noted that Trump was unlikely to follow through with new tariffs in the near term because that would derail his planned trip to Beijing to meet with Chinese President Xi Jinping in mid-May.

Britain has weathered a succession of crises since the 2008 financial collapse— austerity, Brexit, Covid, the Ukraine war and recent political turbulence. Prime Minister Keir Starmer says the war in Iran must become a turning point, forcing the country to build lasting resilience at home and with its European partners.Starmer stresses that the UK’s response to the Iranian aggression has been guided by de‑escalation, diplomacy and the swift reopening of the Strait of Hormuz. While Britain avoided direct offensive action, it intercepted drones, shot down missiles and protected British lives and interests alongside allies who share the same stance.The government’s approach, he explains, is to reduce escalation, work with allies and safeguard economic stability. In a world that is “more volatile and dangerous than at any other point in my lifetime,” such a strategy is presented as essential for protecting British interests.Starmer links global instability to domestic pressures, noting that the same tensions that threaten security also drive up energy prices, disrupt supply chains and strain household finances. To counter this, his administration has capped energy bills and invested heavily in homegrown energy sources, aiming to free the UK from reliance on external gas suppliers.On the defence front, the UK has announced the largest sustained increase in defence spending since the Cold War, reinforcing European alliances and expanding military capacity. Parallel to these security measures, the government has launched an ambitious industrial strategy, strengthened workers’ rights and pledged to lift more than half a million children out of poverty through a new child‑poverty programme.Starmer argues that these policies are not isolated reactions but part of a broader shift toward long‑term resilience. By building secure, domestic energy, robust alliances and a stable economy, Britain can “shape its future and deliver on priorities that matter to working people.”He concludes that Britain will not attempt to recreate the pre‑2008 world; instead, it will forge a stronger, more secure, and more resilient nation capable of withstanding future shocks.

Emil Michael, the Pentagon's under secretary for research and engineering, declared a position in xAI valued between $500,000 and $1 million in March 2025. He sold these holdings on January 9 for between $5 million and $25 million, according to government ethics records. The value of his stake increased by 400% to 4,800% during the period he owned it. xAI, which is behind Musk's Grok chatbot, is not publicly traded, making it unclear how Michael obtained his position, how it was priced, or to whom he sold it. During Michael's ownership, the Pentagon announced two separate agreements with xAI. In July 2025, the Pentagon chose Grok as one of four commercial providers to help the department utilize artificial intelligence. On December 22, the defense department announced a new agreement with xAI, paving the way for the deployment of its advanced capabilities. Richard Painter, a former ethics lawyer at the White House, said that in general, it was a criminal violation for government officials to participate in actions that benefit their own financial interests. "It sounds pretty weird," he said of the transactions. The Pentagon stated that Michael was "in full compliance with all ethics laws and regulations. Any claims otherwise are false."

In a stark address delivered as the cease‑fire in the Iran conflict teetered, IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva warned that the war will leave a permanent scar on the global economy, slowing growth beyond the IMF’s original projections for 2026. Georgieva noted that, had the hostilities not erupted six weeks ago, the Fund would have been poised to raise its 2026 growth outlook. Instead, even the most optimistic scenario now entails a downgrade, and a swift return to pre‑war conditions appears unlikely. The uncertainty surrounding the cease‑fire—exacerbated by divergent positions of Washington and Tehran—has already pushed oil prices higher, reflecting fears of continued disruptions to shipments through the Strait of Hormuz, a vital conduit for world energy supplies. According to the IMF’s upcoming World Economic Outlook, the conflict’s “scarring effects” will translate into lower living standards worldwide. The Fund had previously forecast global growth of 3.1% in 2026, a modest slowdown from 3.2% in 2025, buoyed by a tech‑driven investment surge. Georgieva emphasized that the war arrived when the economy was riding “considerable momentum” from technology investment and supportive financial markets. She outlined the mechanisms of damage: damaged infrastructure, supply‑chain interruptions, eroded confidence, and prolonged uncertainty over oil and gas production in the region. These factors will depress growth regardless of whether a peace agreement is ultimately reached. Georgieva highlighted that the most vulnerable will be net oil‑importing nations, poorer economies and small island states, which stand to feel the brunt of higher energy costs and reduced trade flows. She urged governments to avoid unilateral measures such as export bans or price controls, warning that such actions could "pour gasoline on the fire" and further destabilise markets. With many countries already carrying elevated debt levels and higher borrowing costs, the IMF chief called for targeted, temporary assistance to protect the most at‑risk households. She cautioned against broad tax cuts or blanket energy subsidies, which could stoke inflation and strain fragile public finances. Central banks, she added, should keep policy rates steady while remaining ready to act against inflationary pressures. Bank of England Governor Andrew Bailey, who also chairs the Financial Stability Board, echoed the IMF’s concerns, describing the conflict as a "very big shock" that has heightened market volatility. He stressed that the situation remains fluid and that policymakers must stay vigilant. Overall, the IMF’s message is clear: the Iran war will reshape the global growth trajectory for the foreseeable future, and coordinated, prudent policy responses are essential to mitigate its lasting impact.

What would Henrik Ibsen’s iconic heroine Nora look like in today’s Britain? In this bold re‑imagining, playwright Anya Reiss transports the 19th‑century drama into a world of high‑salary banking, social‑media façades and post‑pandemic consumer excess. Set against a sleek, white‑goods‑strewn stage designed by Hyemi Shin, the story follows Nora (played by Romola Garai) as the wife of a lucrative London banker, Torvald (Tom Mothersdale), who is also battling drug addiction. Though presented as a “trophy wife”, Nora is far sharper than her husband realises – she has secretly rescued the family from financial collapse and funded Torvald’s recovery, all while maintaining a veneer of festive, pre‑Christmas splurging. The familiar Ibsen plot points survive the update: a blackmail threat from Torvald’s colleague Nils Krogstad (James Corrigan) and a visit from the destitute, marriage‑for‑money‑failed friend Kristine (Thalissa Teixeira). Their interactions expose the tension between outward affluence and hidden desperation. Reiss’s version is unmistakably contemporary, peppering dialogue with references to Instagram, a stock market rattled by conflict in the Middle East, and the relentless pursuit of material status. This backdrop reframes the marital power struggle as a clash of class and modern capitalism, asking whether love can ever be insulated from market forces. Despite the heavy thematic load, the cast delivers a series of compelling performances. Garai’s Nora oscillates between calculated seduction – even donning a provocative nurse’s outfit for a flirtatious dance – and a keen intellect that refuses to be reduced to a mere commodity. Her portrayal suggests that, for Nora, the body has become a form of currency, yet she remains acutely aware of the performative nature of both marriage and motherhood. Notably, the children appear only through baby‑monitor audio, a deliberate choice that underscores the couple’s emotional distance and mirrors the original’s focus on Nora’s internal emancipation. The climax arrives in a charged confrontation where Nora questions, “Is love meant to be subject to the market?” The line encapsulates Reiss’s preoccupation with the commodification of intimacy, even as it feels like a summarising refrain rather than a fresh revelation. Ultimately, the production offers a nuanced, if occasionally over‑engineered, vision of Ibsen’s feminist aspirations. It hints at a future where Nora and Torvald might seek couples therapy to untangle their financial and emotional entanglements – a decidedly modern resolution. A Doll’s House runs at the Almeida Theatre, London, until 23 May.

A concerning trend is emerging in the UK, where four in 10 parents are struggling to afford essential items for their newborn babies. This is according to a recent survey conducted by the charity Barnardo's, which polled 2,000 parents with children under the age of five.The study found that 49% of parents felt their child had missed out on opportunities to learn or play due to the cost of living, while 44% reported that financial pressures had impacted their child's development, including speech, socializing, and physical play.In response to these findings, Barnardo's is advocating for the nationwide rollout of baby boxes, a scheme already implemented in Scotland. Since its launch in 2017, over 360,000 baby boxes have been distributed in Scotland, providing essential items such as clothes, books, and a changing mat.The charity's chief executive, Lynn Perry, emphasized the importance of such support, stating that it allows parents to focus on bonding with their baby rather than worrying about providing for them. Seven in 10 parents surveyed expressed support for making baby boxes universally available.The issue of poverty is a pressing concern in the UK, with an estimated 4 million children (27%) living in poverty. Despite the government's efforts to address this issue, including the scrapping of the two-child benefit policy, Barnardo's is calling for a greater focus on tackling poverty in the early years of life.

British Airways announced that, when it resumes operations in July, its Middle East timetable will be significantly scaled back, with a portion of the freed‑up fleet redirected to launch additional direct services to India and Kenya. The carrier has suspended all flights to the region following the outbreak of the Iran‑related war. It plans to restart flights to Riyadh in mid‑May and to reopen routes to Dubai, Doha and Tel Aviv on 1 July. However, the airline will reduce Dubai flights from three to one per day and cut the frequency to Doha, Tel Aviv and Riyadh from two daily services to a single flight each. In a permanent move, BA will drop Jeddah as a destination from 24 April. Service to Bahrain and Amman will remain on hold until 25 October, while flights to Larnaca, Cyprus are slated to return on 22 May. Speaking on the adjustments, BA said, “Given the ongoing situation in the Middle East, we have revised our schedule to give customers clearer options. We continue to monitor the situation closely and are in direct contact with affected passengers to provide alternatives.” Since the conflict began, the airline has facilitated the repatriation of thousands of travelers, operated humanitarian relief flights, and increased capacity on key long‑haul sectors. Looking ahead, BA will deploy larger aircraft on its Delhi route from 1 June and similarly upscale the Hyderabad service. The summer schedule will also see additional daily flights to Bengaluru and Nairobi through late October. Further expansion includes new flights to Delhi and Mumbai, a development first reported by the Financial Times, underscoring BA’s strategy to offset reduced Middle East capacity with growth in high‑demand Asian and African markets.

Zack Polanski, the leader of the Green Party, has made a strong call to action for the UK government to withdraw its trade agreement with Israel in light of the recent Israeli strikes on Lebanon. Polanski expressed his concerns about Israel's actions, accusing them of 'behaving in a completely uncontrolled way.'During the launch of the Green party's local election campaign in London, Polanski urged the government to take a firmer stance against Israel, stating that it is 'outrageous that Israel is still enjoying diplomatic and trade privileges from the international community.' He emphasized the need for robust sanctions against Israel and an end to the 'genocide.'Polanski also criticized the UK government's claim of not being involved in the conflict with Iran, arguing that its bases had been used to aid US bombers attacking Iran. He called for the disentanglement of UK and US military operations and a ban on the US using UK airspace.When asked about the economic implications of ending the trade deal with Israel, Polanski prioritized human lives over financial concerns, stating that the UK should not put 'a cost on people's lives.'In addition to his comments on Israel, Polanski criticized Labour's housing policies, arguing that Green-run councils would focus on building new council houses and 'stand up' to property developers who resist building affordable homes. He accused Labour councils of building 'luxury, unaffordable buildings that no one's ever going to live in.'Labour responded by accusing Green party councillors of trying to block 42,000 homes across the country since 2018 and said they were not delivering social rented housing in areas where they were in power.

On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom’s electorate shifted from party‑centric voting to a binary choice between staying in or leaving the European Union. A decade later, about 60 % of the population still define themselves by the side they chose in that single referendum, turning a one‑off political decision into a lasting personal identity.While analysts often focus on the policy fallout—economic turbulence, party infighting, and shifting trade relations—the real impact runs deeper. The referendum ignited a civil‑war‑like split that continues to shape elections, media narratives, and everyday conversations across the country.Before the global upheavals of the George Floyd protests and the Covid‑19 vaccine rollout, Brexit was Britain’s most potent form of identity politics. It spawned new media outlets, such as GB News, and programmes like The Rest Is Politics, while also marginalising older cultural tropes like the “centrist dad” or “gammon” heckler on Question Time. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Zack Polanski now occupy the political fringe rather than the mainstream.The analysis draws on the new book Tribal Politics: How Brexit Divided Britain by political scientists Sara Hobolt and James Tilley. Their longitudinal surveys reveal a simple yet striking pattern: the referendum transformed a previously lukewarm public attitude toward the EU into a powerful, identity‑based habit.Prior to 2016, most Britons held only a mild Euroscepticism and gave the EU little thought. Even former Prime Minister David Cameron tried to silence the issue in 2006, believing it failed to engage voters. The sudden elevation of a niche concern to a national obsession forced ordinary citizens to pick a side, discuss it in pubs, and embed it into their self‑image—a process James Clear describes as building “identity‑based habits”.Data from Hobolt and Tilley show that emotional attachment to the Brexit identity was modest before the vote, rose sharply as the referendum approached, and surged dramatically after the result was announced. The post‑vote period saw a flood of EU‑themed merchandise, street rallies, and even flag‑clashes at cultural events such as the 2017 Last Night of the Proms.Crucially, the tribal divide has not faded. By 2025, only around 40 % of “Leavers” feel comfortable discussing politics with “Remainers”, and the sentiment is reciprocated. This goes beyond mere disagreement; it reflects a level of social discrimination where individuals on opposite sides would hesitate to share a home or marry into each other’s families.The authors note that the split now extends to perceptions of reality itself. Even in 2024, Remainers and Leavers disagreed on basic economic indicators, illustrating how the referendum reshaped not just policy preferences but fundamental worldviews.Class‑based voting, which dominated the 20th‑century British political landscape, has been largely supplanted by this new cultural cleavage. A previous study co‑authored by Tilley showed that the Labour Party’s turn toward the political centre in the 1990s eroded traditional working‑class loyalty. Today, leader Keir Starmer’s working‑class credentials appear largely symbolic, offering little substantive change.With class politics receded, culture wars have taken centre stage. The Brexit campaign’s vague promises about trade left the nation with a protracted, messy adjustment period. Immigration, famously dubbed the “baseball bat” issue by Dominic Cummings, remains the most polarising policy divide, followed by foreign aid and even the death penalty.Hobolt and Tilley’s most striking chart shows that while Remainers and Leavers clash over immigration, they share little disagreement on economic equality, workers’ rights, or public ownership—issues that directly affect household incomes. This suggests that the political battle is driven more by symbolic identity than by material concerns, benefitting those already financially secure.In sum, the United Kingdom’s post‑Brexit reality is one of entrenched tribalism, where a single referendum has reshaped social bonds, political discourse, and perceptions of truth itself. The nation continues to grapple with the legacy of a vote that turned a policy decision into a lasting cultural fault line.