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Democratic leaders in Washington announced a renewed push to stop President Donald Trump’s escalating confrontation with Iran following a brief two‑week cease‑fire that began Tuesday night. The party aims to reconvene Congress and pass a war‑powers resolution that would permanently end the conflict. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries told CNN that the House must be brought back into session immediately, stating, "We need a permanent end to Donald Trump’s reckless war of choice." He urged Speaker Mike Johnson to schedule a vote on legislation that would strip the president of unilateral war‑making authority. In the Senate, Minority Leader Chuck Schumer pledged that Democrats will force a vote as soon as Congress returns from recess. Schumer warned that the war has left the nation “worse off than before it started,” citing rising gas prices and the broader economic toll, and called the episode “one of the very worst military and foreign‑policy actions the United States has ever taken.” More than 70 Democratic lawmakers have publicly called for the 25th Amendment to be invoked, arguing that Trump’s recent Truth Social posts—threatening to wipe out an entire civilization if Iran does not comply—raise serious questions about his mental fitness and could constitute a violation of international law. Senator Chris Murphy (D‑CT) told CNN, "No president in control of his senses would publicly promise to eradicate an entire civilization." Representative Ro Khanna (D‑CA) echoed the sentiment on X, writing, "We need to invoke the 25th Amendment and remove Trump. Threatening war crimes is a blatant violation of our Constitution and the Geneva Conventions." Other Democrats, including Rep. Pramila Jayapal (WA), described the president’s threats as “unhinged” and “illegal,” while former MAGA ally Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene joined the chorus, posting, "25TH AMENDMENT!!! This is evil and madness." Even some Republican lawmakers expressed unease about the prospect of targeting civilian infrastructure, though the GOP overall has remained largely silent. The mounting pressure underscores a rare bipartisan concern that Trump’s rhetoric could cross the line into war‑crime territory, prompting calls for both constitutional removal and traditional impeachment proceedings.

Cecile Kohler and Jacques Paris are set to board a flight back to France after three and a half years of detention in Iran, President Emmanuel Macron announced on X on Tuesday. The release was secured through diplomatic talks led by Oman, which acted as a neutral intermediary. “Cecile Kohler and Jacques Paris are free and on their way back to France, after three and a half years of detention in Iran. This is a relief for all of us and, of course, for their families,” Macron wrote. The Iranian decision arrives amid an apparent thaw in relations between Paris and Tehran, as France has openly criticized the war waged by the United States and Israel against Iran. The duo were arrested in 2022 on accusations of spying for France and Israel – charges that the French government repeatedly called unfounded. After being freed from the notorious Evin Prison in November 2025, they remained under the protection of the French embassy. French Foreign Minister Jean‑Noël Barrot said the couple expressed great joy at the prospect of returning home. He confirmed that he had spoken with them and that discussions with his Iranian counterpart, Abbas Araqchi, helped pave the way for their departure. French lawmakers responded to the news with a standing ovation in the National Assembly. The case is part of a broader pattern, described by activists and several Western governments as Iran’s strategy of “hostage‑taking” to extract political concessions from Europe. Iran’s state news agency IRNA confirmed the release, noting it stemmed from an understanding that France would, in return, free Mahdieh Esfandiari, an Iranian student detained in Lyon, and withdraw a complaint lodged against Iran at the International Court of Justice. These diplomatic moves occur against a backdrop of heightened tensions in the region. France has emerged as a vocal critic of the United States‑Israel campaign against Iran, and earlier this week a vessel owned by French shipping giant CMA CGM became the first Western ship to navigate the contested Strait of Hormuz. The strait’s blockage has contributed to a global energy crisis, prompting U.S. President Donald Trump to issue stark threats of further escalation. While the immediate outcome is the safe return of two French citizens, the exchange underscores the delicate balance of diplomatic leverage, humanitarian concerns, and strategic interests shaping France‑Iran relations today.

A recent investigation by The Sentry has uncovered that Libyan businessman Ahmed Gadalla facilitated hundreds of millions of dollars in loans to support Khalifa Haftar's failed 2019-2020 assault on Tripoli. The report alleges that Gadalla, a key enabler for Haftar family members, secured $300m in loans from a minor bank based in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates (UAE), ahead of the offensive. The months-long campaign by forces loyal to Haftar to seize the Libyan capital from the United Nations-recognised government resulted in hundreds of deaths and displaced hundreds of thousands of people. The cost of the campaign was significant, with an estimated $700 million effort mobilised upfront. The investigation suggests that the money likely helped finance operations, including payments to Russia's mercenary Wagner Group, which supported Haftar's offensive. After Haftar's offensive collapsed, the loans remained largely unpaid, leaving the Libyan public to bear the financial burden. Gadalla has faced no accountability, and the report warns that he has since expanded his influence across eastern Libya's financial system, exerting control over key banks and facilitating large-scale letter-of-credit fraud and laundering illicit profits. The Sentry's report also links Gadalla to efforts to procure and transfer military equipment to Sudan, in violation of a UN arms embargo. The group has called on Western governments to impose targeted sanctions on Gadalla and his network, warning that without concerted international action, Libya faces the continued erosion of its economic foundations.

On April 6, 2026, a sizable crowd of protesters converged on the U.S. embassy in Tel Aviv, chanting slogans and holding signs that called for an immediate end to all wars in which the United States is engaged.The demonstration, organized by a coalition of local activist groups, reflected growing frustration among segments of the Israeli public over the perceived role of the United States in perpetuating overseas conflicts. Participants demanded that Washington reassess its military commitments and adopt a more neutral stance in international disputes.While the protest remained peaceful, the sheer number of participants underscored a broader shift in public sentiment, suggesting that foreign‑policy decisions are increasingly subject to direct civic scrutiny. Observers note that such actions could influence diplomatic dialogues between the United States and its allies, as well as shape future policy debates within the U.S. administration.

Billy Livsey, an American musician who arrived in England in the 1970s, transitioned from touring with Slim Chance and Gallagher & Lyle to writing hits for Shakin’ Stevens, Elkie Brooks and Paul Young before being tapped to write for the teen pop group Five Star. In the mid‑80s Livsey co‑wrote the chart‑topping single “System Addict” with Gary Bell, and a few months later his publisher suggested a partnership with lyricist Peter Sinfield. After a brief exchange of a rough melody, Sinfield asked Livsey to pen the words over the phone, resulting in the lyric sheet for what would become “Rain Or Shine.” The demo featured the renowned session vocalist Tessa Niles, whose résumé includes touring with The Police and singing on Eric Clapton’s “Layla” on his Unplugged album. Livsey recalls that her effortless delivery set the tone for the final recording. Recording took place at London’s iconic Mayfair Studios, a venue that had hosted legends such as George Michael and Tina Turner. Livsey admits he “stole” a sequencer fragment from Donald Fagen’s “New Frontier” to give the track a subtle, progressive‑pop edge. Five Star’s lead vocalist Deniece Pearson remembers the demo’s female vocal as a revelation compared to an earlier male‑sung version of “All Fall Down.” Her father and manager, Buster Pearson, urged her to “listen to the lady on the demo and articulate your words.” Because she was wearing braces, Deniece deliberately over‑enunciated to keep the metal from sticking to her lips – a quirky detail she still laughs about. Studio sessions were far from smooth. Frequent electrical glitches prompted Livsey to joke, “Gremlin. Gremlin.” Yet he remained confident, insisting that such hiccups often precede a hit record – a prediction that proved accurate. Upon release, “Rain Or Shine” became a staple of Five Star’s live repertoire, earning spots on Top of the Pops, the Royal Variety Performance and the Miss World stage. During a tour, a fan pulled Deniece into the audience pit, only to be rescued by her “hunky Italian” security guard, a moment she now recounts with affection. Today the song closes the group’s concerts as an encore, with audiences singing along and often moving Deniece to tears. She credits Livsey’s melodic craftsmanship, noting that the 80s songwriting formula – a strong melody followed by soaring vocals – remains the song’s enduring charm.

Iran’s only operational nuclear power station, the Bushehr plant, has endured a series of assaults amid the escalating Israel‑United States campaign against Tehran, sparking alarm over a possible regional nuclear incident.The most recent strike on Saturday resulted in the death of a security guard and damage to an auxiliary building, according to the state‑run Atomic Energy Organisation of Iran (AEOI).Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi asserted that the facility has been "bombed" four times since the conflict erupted on 28 February, accusing the United States and Israel of a "lack of concern" for nuclear safety.Security analysts stress that any bombing of the reactor or its spent‑fuel pools would unleash the radioactive isotope Caesium‑137, a contaminant capable of traveling far via wind and water, rendering soil, food and drinking supplies hazardous for decades and increasing cancer risks for exposed populations.The Bushehr complex, built by Russia and completed in 2011, supplies roughly 1,000 MW to Iran’s grid. It is the Middle East’s first nuclear plant and is slated to host two additional reactors by 2029, with hundreds of Russian technicians on site.The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has repeatedly warned that a direct hit could trigger a “regional catastrophe.” Director‑General Rafael Grossi told the UN Security Council that striking the plant could cause a "very high release of radioactivity" and, if power to the cooling system were cut, could lead to a reactor melt. He called for "maximum restraint," noting that evacuation zones could extend several hundred kilometres, requiring iodine prophylaxis and food‑supply restrictions.Beyond terrestrial fallout, experts highlight the danger of contaminating the Gulf’s shallow waters. Radioactive pollution would devastate marine ecosystems and cripple desalination plants, which lack the technology to filter such material. Qatar’s prime minister, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani, warned that a simulated Bushehr attack would render the sea "entirely contaminated" and leave the country without water within three days.International law explicitly forbids targeting civilian nuclear installations. Article 56 of Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions bars attacks on "works and installations containing dangerous forces," and the IAEA’s own guidelines prohibit indiscriminate strikes on reactors, fuel storage, or power supplies.Araghchi also criticized the muted Western response, contrasting it with the outcry over Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhia plant, which prompted emergency UN sessions, NATO warnings, and statements from the EU, UK and US. In the Bushehr case, the EU has remained silent, while Russia, which maintains a sizable staff at the site, issued a condemnation of the attacks.Historical precedents such as the 2011 Fukushima disaster and the 1986 Chernobyl explosion illustrate the long‑term human and environmental toll of nuclear accidents, underscoring why the safety of Bushehr is viewed as a matter of regional, not merely national, security.

Chelsea manager Liam Rosenior has sought to calm the storm surrounding Enzo Fernández's recent comments about his future at the club. Fernández had appeared to cast doubt on his Chelsea future during the international window, praising former Real Madrid players Toni Kroos and Luka Modrić and expressing a desire to live in Madrid. Rosenior took the decision to suspend Fernández from Chelsea's FA Cup quarter-final against Port Vale and the upcoming Premier League game against Manchester City, feeling his comments had 'crossed the line' and threatened the culture he is working to instill. However, Rosenior was pleased that Fernández was present at Stamford Bridge to watch the Vale match and sought to draw a line under the affair. “Enzo and I are in a very good place,” Rosenior said. “I saw him today, had a really good conversation with him today one-to-one and things aren’t what people maybe think they are.” Rosenior emphasized that he wants the team to focus on achieving their season goals, including winning the FA Cup and qualifying for the Champions League. The decision to punish Fernández drew an unhappy response from the player’s agent, Javier Pastore, who described it as 'completely unfair.' Rosenior remained firm, stating that Fernández knows his value to the team and that he was pleased to see him supporting the players.

When President Donald Trump inaugurated Operation Epic Fury with Israel on 28 February, his administration outlined broad goals: neutralise Iran’s missile programme, cripple its navy and prevent a nuclear breakout. Within a month those objectives morphed, expanded and at times directly contradicted each other. On 29 March, aboard Air Force One, Trump told reporters that Iran had accepted most of Washington’s 15‑point demand list, conveyed through Pakistan, and even shipped oil to the United States as a goodwill gesture. In the same interview he floated the idea of seizing Kharg Island—the hub for 90 % of Iran’s oil exports—stating, “maybe we take Kharg Island, maybe we don’t. We have a lot of options.” The following day, 30 March, Trump posted on Truth Social that the United States was in “serious discussions with a new, more reasonable regime” in Tehran and claimed “great progress.” He simultaneously warned that, absent a swift deal, the U.S. would destroy Iran’s power plants, oil wells, Kharg Island and even its desalination facilities, and would force the Strait of Hormuz to reopen immediately. By 31 March, with U.S. gasoline prices climbing above $4 per gallon, Trump hinted at a rapid withdrawal, saying the U.S. would leave Iran “within two or three weeks.” He told European allies that if they needed oil or gas they could “go up through the Hormuz Strait” on their own, and rebuked the United Kingdom for not standing up for itself. On 1 April, Trump claimed on Truth Social that Iran’s new leadership had requested a U.S. cease‑fire, but only after the Hormuz Strait was “open, free, and clear.” He reiterated that the war was “not about oil,” yet threatened to blast Iran’s electric grid “back to the stone ages.” Iran’s foreign ministry dismissed the cease‑fire request as “false and baseless,” and the Revolutionary Guard warned the strait remained under its control. Following a U.S.–Israeli strike that demolished a bridge between Tehran and Karaj on 2 April, Trump posted that the next targets would be “bridges, then electric power plants,” signalling an escalation despite earlier talk of withdrawal. Finally, on 3 April, he suggested that reopening Hormuz and seizing Iranian oil could become a “gusher for the world,” a stark reversal of his earlier assertion that the conflict had nothing to do with oil. These rapid shifts illustrate a pattern of policy flip‑flopping that complicates diplomatic efforts, fuels market uncertainty, and raises questions about the strategic coherence of the U.S. approach to the Iran war.

At the start of 2026 Pakistan was sitting on a surplus of imported liquefied natural gas (LNG). Three consecutive years of falling demand – from a peak of 8.2 million tonnes in 2021 to 6.1 million tonnes by late 2025 – were driven by cheap solar panels and reduced industrial activity. The government responded by quietly selling excess cargoes abroad and shutting down domestic wells to avoid over‑pressurising pipelines. Any gas that could not be diverted would have been pushed into household networks at a loss, adding billions to the sector’s crippling debt. Everything changed on 28 February when the United States and Israel launched the "Epic Fury" operation against Iran. The strikes killed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and targeted missile sites, air defences and military infrastructure. Iran retaliated with hundreds of missiles and drones, choking traffic through the Strait of Hormuz – a chokepoint for roughly 20 % of global oil and gas. As part of its retaliation, Iranian drones hit Qatar’s Ras Laffan Industrial City on 2 March, the world’s largest LNG export hub. Qatar, the second‑largest LNG exporter after the United States, declared force majeure and halted all production, releasing it from contractual delivery obligations. The fallout was immediate. Qatar’s forced shutdown cut its LNG output by 17 % and disrupted the supply chain that fuels Pakistan, which sources almost all of its imported gas from Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Pakistan’s LNG arrivals plummeted from 12 shipments in January to just two in March. Monthly cargo data from the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (OGRA) show that the country received between eight and twelve shipments a month through 2025, but only two arrived after the conflict began. Price pressure followed. On 13 February state‑owned Pakistan State Oil and Pakistan LNG Limited bought eight cargoes at an average of $10.47 per MMBtu (totaling $257.1 million). By 12 March the two cargoes that did arrive cost $12.49 per MMBtu – a 19 % increase in just one month. Long‑term contracts have left Pakistan with little flexibility. Two government‑to‑government agreements with Qatar, spanning 15 and 10 years, commit the country to nine shipments a month. Even as domestic demand fell – LNG’s share of Asian markets dropped from ~30 % in 2020 to ~18 % in 2025 – the contracts remained binding. Solarisation has been a double‑edged sword. By 2025 Pakistan installed 34 GW of solar capacity, with about 25 GW feeding the national grid, driving an 11 % decline in overall electricity demand between 2022 and 2025. Gas‑fired power plants built for imported LNG are now under‑utilised, especially during daylight hours. Analysts warn that the surplus was predictable. “Pakistan’s energy planning has been locked into long‑term contracts with little room for adjustment,” says Haneea Isaad of the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA). The resulting circular debt now stands at 3.3 trillion rupees (≈ $11 billion), and the government is negotiating to off‑load 177 unwanted shipments worth $5.6 billion through 2031. With Qatar’s LNG shipments effectively halted, the country faces a potential shortfall of more than 21 % of its power generation capacity. The National Electric Power Regulatory Authority confirmed that LNG supplies are under force majeure, while coal imports from South Africa and Indonesia continue. To mitigate the gap, Pakistan is reviving domestic gas production that had been throttled during the surplus period. Roughly 350–400 million cubic feet per day of domestic gas were previously held back for LNG imports, now being released to the grid. Nevertheless, analysts caution that even with restored domestic gas, imported coal and hydropower, “the energy shortage may persist, especially during the peak summer months.” Summer pressure is already building. The State of Industry Report 2025 recorded peak electricity demand of over 33,000 MW last summer, while winter demand sits around 15,000 MW, helped by solar generation of 9,000–10,000 MW daily. Furnace oil, the primary backup fuel, now costs 35 rupees per unit (≈ $0.12), more than double since the Strait of Hormuz disruption. Consumers with grid electricity face higher bills and possible outages; industrial users reliant on gas risk production cuts; those equipped with rooftop solar and battery storage are best insulated. “Returning to the spot market is unlikely given Pakistan’s dire financial position, and competing with wealthier nations would price the country out,” Isaad warns. “The realistic outcome may be planned load‑shedding of two to three hours daily.”