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In an era where pop stardom is measured by a patchwork of streaming figures, award nods and high‑profile support slots, Holly Humberstone has built a credible résumé without ever cracking the singles chart. The 26‑year‑old from Lincolnshire has leveraged a Brit Rising Star award, a coveted opening for Taylor Swift, and four million monthly Spotify listeners to cement her place in the contemporary pop landscape.Her second album, ‘Cruel World’, marks a decisive shift from the gothic melancholy that defined her debut, Paint My Bedroom Black. The new record embraces an 80s‑inspired synth‑pop palette brimming with ear‑catching hooks, delivering lyrics that are both earnest and conversational, reminiscent of Swift’s confessional style.Highlights include the sun‑soaked breakup anthem ‘To Love Somebody’, which builds to a stadium‑ready pre‑chorus, and the irresistibly catchy ‘White Noise’, a nostalgic nod to disco that channels the energy of early‑2000s Kylie Minogue. Even the cheeky, self‑aware line on “Drunk Dialling” – “I’m gonna shake my nonexistent ass to this shitty song” – showcases Humberstone’s willingness to blend humor with polished production.The album’s production is consistently confident, featuring a surprising happy‑hardcore breakdown on the closing track “Make It All Better.” Combined with Humberstone’s knack for crafting crowd‑pleasing melodies, these elements suggest she is poised for a long‑term pop career that can thrive in both traditional and modern market models.

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

Chinese swimming authorities have initiated an investigation into cyberbullying targeting Quan Hongchan, the 19-year-old diving champion who has won three Olympic gold medals. The General Administration of Sport's swimming management centre announced the probe on Wednesday, stating that it is working with officials in Quan's home province of Guangdong to address the issue.Quan, who won her first gold at the Tokyo 2020 Olympics at just 14 years old and added two more golds at the Paris 2024 Olympics, has faced intense scrutiny and pressure. She has spoken publicly about the toxic online commentary she has faced, particularly regarding her weight and diet.The cyberbullying has been described as 'malicious' and has included false information and abnormal fan culture. Chinese authorities have pledged to crack down on such behavior, which has been termed 'toxic fandom'. Quan's swimming club has also reported the case to police, emphasizing that athletes are a valuable national asset and that such acts of slander and insult are unacceptable.Quan's success has made her a popular figure in China, with her hometown becoming a tourist destination. However, this has also led to intense media scrutiny and pressure to conform to certain standards. The investigation aims to address these issues and ensure a safer online environment for athletes.

In a revealing glimpse of the club’s ironclad exclusivity, a 2019 iMessage exchange shows Jeffrey Epstein pleading with Steve Bannon to secure a membership for Paul, Weiss partner Brad Karp. Bannon dismissed the request, describing Augusta’s governing families as "crackers" from the Old South who distrust lawyers and bankers, underscoring the club’s cultural gatekeeping. That anecdote illustrates a broader truth: money alone cannot buy entry to the Masters. Even former President Donald Trump has never been able to force his way onto the Augusta grounds, a rarity among high‑profile U.S. sporting events. Traditionally, most tickets are allocated to lifelong local patrons, a practice that has been frozen since the 1970s. The only official avenue for the public is an annual lottery, where the odds are so slim they make Tiger Woods’ chances of a sixth Green Jacket look generous. In practice, however, a lucrative secondary market emerged, with scalpers selling tickets for up to 50 times face value and operating just outside the 2,700‑foot anti‑scalping boundary mandated by Georgia law. Last year’s Masters turned into a "bloodbath" for the resale industry. An executive from a local hospitality firm reported that around 200 ticket holders were denied entry after the club began rigorously enforcing its anti‑scalping policy. Patrons were sometimes escorted to a room, asked for identification, and interrogated about how they obtained their tickets – a process likened to a police stop. According to insiders, the club’s four‑day tickets now contain RFID chips that allow staff to track each badge’s location nightly. The embedded barcodes allegedly store the buyer’s address, enabling staff to pinpoint resale activity. Some reports claim the club is even purchasing resale tickets en masse to uncover the identities of sellers, then sending a politely worded letter that permanently bans the recipient from the grounds. Ticket platforms have felt the impact. StubHub has introduced a new contract that makes sellers fully liable for any fees or charges if a buyer is turned away, while SeatGeek has ceased offering Masters tickets altogether. This decisive move by Augusta National signals a broader shift in how elite sports events manage secondary markets. Ultimately, the crackdown serves a dual purpose: protecting the club’s brand integrity and reinforcing its reputation as an institution that remains untouched by even the most powerful political figures. As the Masters approaches, the message is clear – the only way onto Augusta’s hallowed fairways is through its own tightly‑controlled channels, not through the influence of money, politics, or the resale trade.

British novelist Gwendoline Riley has been recognized with a $175,000 Windham-Campbell prize, one of eight writers to receive the prestigious award. Riley is celebrated for her short novels that delve into complex relationships, family tensions, and the inner lives of women. Her notable works include First Love, which was shortlisted for the Women’s prize for fiction, and My Phantoms.Riley expressed her gratitude, stating, “This is very hard for me to take in. I am more grateful than I can say. This unimagined vote of confidence will not go wasted on me.” Her work has been praised for recasting ordinary lives into something remarkable and new. Clare Clark noted in a review of her latest novel, The Palm House, that Riley is “the laureate of disconnection, her bone-dry humour edged with the vertiginous lurch of despair.”The Windham-Campbell prizes, which award $1.4 million annually, aim to support writers by providing financial security, allowing them to focus on their work without financial pressures. Michael Kelleher, director of the Windham-Campbell prizes, emphasized that the arts face significant challenges, and this grant offers writers “the time, space and creative freedom to think, write and nurture their talent.”Other recipients of the prize include S Shakthidharan, an Australian playwright known for his multigenerational epic Counting and Cracking; Adam Ehrlich Sachs, an American writer recognized for his exploration of the history of knowledge; and Lucy Sante, a Belgian-born American writer celebrated for her memoir I Heard Her Call My Name: A Memoir of Transition.

The US seafood industry is tackling a significant challenge: Americans' low fish consumption. With an average annual intake of about 19lb per person, the US lags far behind the global average of 45lb. In contrast, Iceland leads the world with an impressive 200lb of seafood per person per year.To crack the US market, the seafood industry has devised a strategy to make fish more appealing by making it look like meat. This approach involves creating products such as tuna that resembles chicken nuggets and salmon sticks that look like beef jerky. This tactic is similar to hiding vegetables in recipes for picky toddlers, but with a twist: it's about presentation rather than altering the product's nature.This isn't a new concept, as plant-based meat gained popularity when placed in the meat department rather than the vegetarian aisle. Similarly, fish-as-meat marketing has been around with products like tuna steaks and salmon burgers. However, the trend seems to be gaining momentum, with recent reports from the Seafood Expo circuit indicating a surge in interest.While this strategy may be effective, its environmental implications are questionable. With 348 million people in the US potentially increasing their seafood consumption, concerns about overfishing and the collapse of marine life arise. Guardian columnist George Monbiot has argued that there are almost no fish or shellfish that can be safely eaten if the goal is to save the oceans, suggesting that stopping fish consumption is a more impactful action.The success of this strategy may also be influenced by economic factors, such as food inflation and tariffs. If supply chains collapse due to global conflicts, the demand for Fishy Meat may become irrelevant as Americans struggle to afford basic food items.

NASA's Artemis II astronauts have described the powerful emotions they felt while soaring over the moon, capturing breathtaking images of impact craters, cracks, and ridges. The crew, who worked in pairs at the Orion capsule windows, took photographs of the Earth rising from behind the moon, a solar eclipse, and parts of the 590-mile-wide Orientale impact basin. The astronauts, including Christina Koch, the first woman to fly around the moon, reported feeling overwhelmed by the lunar landscape. Koch said she had an intense emotional moment when observing the moon's surface, which she couldn't replicate. Fellow astronaut Victor Glover, the first black man to travel beyond low Earth orbit, also shared his moving experience, describing the terrain as 'amazing'. The Artemis II mission broke the record for the farthest humans have traveled from Earth, reaching a distance of 252,756 miles. The crew came within 4,070 miles of the lunar surface at their closest approach. The mission's return leg is expected to end in a splashdown near the coast of San Diego on Friday evening. The Orion spacecraft will re-enter the Earth's atmosphere at over 20,000mph, causing its heat shield to reach temperatures above 1,600C. To minimize risks, the capsule will come in at a steeper angle, reducing the time the heat shield spends at critical temperatures.

In the run-up to the state assembly election in Assam, India, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is employing a strategy that combines Hindu nationalism with welfare schemes to woo voters.The party, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been accused of pursuing a hardline Hindu supremacist agenda in Assam, coupled with a xenophobic campaign targeting the state's Muslim population, which constitutes 34% of Assam's 31 million people.At a recent election rally in Morigaon district, BJP leaders highlighted the welfare schemes launched by Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma's government, including a direct benefit transfer scheme called Orunodoi, which provides financial aid to women. Nitin Nabin, the BJP's national president, claimed these schemes benefited the Assamese people, especially women.The BJP's strategy in Assam has been described as a 'cocktail of Hindutva and welfarism' by Akhil Ranjan Dutta, a political science professor at Assam's Gauhati University. 'The BJP is experimenting with a brand of Hindutva by co-opting Indigenous armed struggle and cultural nationalism, while solidifying Hindu identity and othering the Bengali Muslims.'The party's election promises have heightened anxiety among Bengali-speaking Muslims, who fear more crackdowns on their community, including a proposal to implement a Uniform Civil Code, which critics say will override Muslim personal laws.Opposition parties and analysts argue that the BJP is mainly milking two cash transfer schemes – Orunodoi and Udyamita – to influence voters in this election. Economist Joydeep Baruah estimates that at least 10 to 15% of the scheme's four million women beneficiaries could vote for the BJP.The BJP's tactics have been criticized by opposition parties and human rights groups, who accuse the party of vote buying and polarizing the electorate along communal lines.

President Donald Trump told Fox News host Trey Yingst that the United States had dispatched a substantial cache of firearms to Iranian protesters, routing them through Kurdish groups. He said, “We sent them a lot of guns. We sent them to the Kurds,” and added that the Kurds likely kept the weapons. This admission lends weight to Tehran’s long‑standing narrative that the December‑January demonstrations were not spontaneous but were driven by “foreign‑backed terrorists.” Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has repeatedly blamed the United States and Israel for hijacking the economic unrest that began on December 28, when Tehran shopkeepers protested the plunging rial. The protests quickly spread nationwide, drawing hundreds of thousands onto the streets. Rights groups and the United Nations report that at least 5,000 people were killed, with some estimates suggesting the death toll could rise to 20,000. The crackdown also saw thousands arrested and an internet blackout imposed to conceal the violence. As the US‑Israel war on Iran entered its 38th day, official tallies record 2,076 deaths and over 26,000 injuries across the country. Despite Trump’s statements, several Kurdish opposition groups have categorically denied receiving any U.S. weapons. A senior official of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (KDPI) told Iraqi broadcaster Rudaw that the claims were “baseless,” noting that their armaments are decades‑old and sourced locally. The Komala Party issued a similar denial. Analysts caution that Trump’s remarks are difficult to verify. Neil Quilliam of the United Kingdom’s Chatham House said the comments “reveal nothing material” and may reflect Trump’s personal rhetoric more than concrete policy. Nonetheless, such statements could undermine the cohesion of Iranian opposition groups and influence international perceptions of the conflict. In the broader geopolitical context, the United States has framed its February 28 strikes—carried out jointly with Israel—as a response to Iran’s nuclear program and as a means to “free” Iranians from the Islamic Republic’s repression. Trump linked the military action directly to the protests, claiming Tehran had “killed tens of thousands of its own citizens on the street as they protested.” While Kurdish factions continue to advocate for peaceful, civil protest methods, the U.S. and Israeli governments have not yet committed to ground operations in Iran. Opposition Democrats in the U.S. Congress remain skeptical of any escalation involving troops. Overall, Trump’s confirmation of arms shipments adds a new layer to the already complex narrative surrounding the Iranian protests, the US‑Israel military campaign, and the broader struggle for influence in the region.