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Rebecca Solnit's latest book, 'The Beginning Comes After the End', serves as a powerful reminder that change is inevitable and that we have the power to shape our future. Drawing on her previous work, Hope in the Dark, Solnit emphasizes the importance of hope and resilience in the face of uncertainty.In her 2004 book, Hope in the Dark, Solnit offered a vision of solidarity and tenacity in response to the war in Iraq. The book experienced a surge in popularity after the 2016 election of Donald Trump, and its message of hope and humility continues to resonate today. As Solnit notes, 'Hope is not a door, but a sense that there might be a door at some point, some way out of the problems of the present moment even before that way is found or followed.'Solnit's new book picks up this thread, arguing that 'you do not have to picture the destination to reach it or at least draw closer to it, you just need to choose a direction and keep on walking'. She draws on a wide range of sources, including history, philosophy, and contemporary writing, to explore moments of reparation and progress.One of the key takeaways from Solnit's work is the importance of acknowledging the enormous gains that have been made in recent decades in areas such as women's rights, racial justice, and environmental protections. As she notes, 'Our world has changed more than almost anyone imagined, in ways both wonderful and terrible, often in ways no one anticipated'. By focusing on these successes, Solnit encourages readers to adopt a more optimistic and forward-thinking mindset.Solnit also explores the idea of interconnectedness and independence, arguing that this worldview has the power to shape our future. She writes, 'whether or not it is true, a lot of us want it to be true, and that desire says a lot about who we are right now'. By embracing this idea, readers can begin to see the world in a new light and work towards creating a better future.While some readers may be disappointed by the lack of policy prescriptions or organizing strategies, Solnit's book is a deliberate exercise in reframing our approach to change. As she notes, 'change happens so subtly, so slowly, that only a milestone lets you know that it has been taking place all along'. By adopting a more nuanced and hopeful view of the world, readers can begin to see the small changes that add up to a large one.

Outcome arrives on Apple TV+ on April 10 as Jonah Hill’s most ambitious foray into Hollywood satire. The film casts Keanu Reeves as Reef Hawk, a globally recognized star whose public persona of kindness masks a deep‑seated narcissism and a hidden past of heroin addiction.Reef becomes the target of a mysterious extortionist who claims to possess compromising footage. His crisis lawyer, Ira—portrayed by Hill himself with a shaved head and unnerving veneers—guides him through a frantic quest to locate the blackmailer. The narrative unfolds as a “whodunnit without a body,” prompting Reef to apologize to every person he’s ever wronged while hunting the unseen threat.Supporting roles feature Cameron Diaz and Matt Bomer as Reef’s high‑school friends who reluctantly join the mission. The film also boasts cameo appearances from Laverne Cox as a women’s‑rights attorney, Drew Barrymore playing herself, and a moving turn by Martin Scorsese as a washed‑up talent manager. In a tongue‑in‑cheek detail, Ira’s office wall displays a picture of Kanye West, symbolising the industry’s obsession with redemption narratives.The satire’s core message is that wealth and fame do not guarantee happiness. Reef spends idle moments Googling his own reputation—searching “Reef Hawk bad person”—underscoring a profound loneliness beneath the glittering surface. While the script delivers frequent laughs, its climax lands on a comparatively flat note, offering personal growth rather than the expected murder or public humiliation.Overall, the performances remain consistently entertaining, and Hill’s dialogue, co‑written with Ezra Woods, captures the insider tone of Hollywood’s inner circle. Outcome serves as both a comedic critique and a reflective portrait of celebrity culture, inviting audiences to consider the cost of perpetual public scrutiny.

Labour leader Ed Miliband is facing a dilemma over whether to support new oil and gas licences in the North Sea, a move that could undermine the party's commitment to renewable energy and climate action. Reform UK, led by Nigel Farage, is pushing for the licences as a way to cut fuel bills, and some trade unions are also expressing support.However, Labour's green-friendly manifesto and Miliband's long-standing commitment to combating climate change make it difficult for the party to backtrack on its opposition to fossil fuel extraction. The issue has become a battleground between Labour and Reform UK, with Farage framing it as a fight between the 'common man' and the 'elites'. The North Sea oil and gas industry is in decline, and even if new licences were granted, it would take five to seven years for the wells to become productive. Moreover, the global energy market is driven by fossil fuel prices, so extracting more oil from the North Sea would have a minimal impact on UK energy prices.Instead of succumbing to pressure from the right, Labour should focus on investing in renewable energy and breaking the energy market into clean power and fossil power. This approach would not only help combat climate change but also provide a more sustainable and resilient energy supply.The article concludes that Labour must stay committed to its green agenda and not give in to the 'nostalgic fantasy' of North Sea drilling, which would only serve to benefit Nigel Farage and Reform UK.

On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom’s electorate shifted from party‑centric voting to a binary choice between staying in or leaving the European Union. A decade later, about 60 % of the population still define themselves by the side they chose in that single referendum, turning a one‑off political decision into a lasting personal identity.While analysts often focus on the policy fallout—economic turbulence, party infighting, and shifting trade relations—the real impact runs deeper. The referendum ignited a civil‑war‑like split that continues to shape elections, media narratives, and everyday conversations across the country.Before the global upheavals of the George Floyd protests and the Covid‑19 vaccine rollout, Brexit was Britain’s most potent form of identity politics. It spawned new media outlets, such as GB News, and programmes like The Rest Is Politics, while also marginalising older cultural tropes like the “centrist dad” or “gammon” heckler on Question Time. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Zack Polanski now occupy the political fringe rather than the mainstream.The analysis draws on the new book Tribal Politics: How Brexit Divided Britain by political scientists Sara Hobolt and James Tilley. Their longitudinal surveys reveal a simple yet striking pattern: the referendum transformed a previously lukewarm public attitude toward the EU into a powerful, identity‑based habit.Prior to 2016, most Britons held only a mild Euroscepticism and gave the EU little thought. Even former Prime Minister David Cameron tried to silence the issue in 2006, believing it failed to engage voters. The sudden elevation of a niche concern to a national obsession forced ordinary citizens to pick a side, discuss it in pubs, and embed it into their self‑image—a process James Clear describes as building “identity‑based habits”.Data from Hobolt and Tilley show that emotional attachment to the Brexit identity was modest before the vote, rose sharply as the referendum approached, and surged dramatically after the result was announced. The post‑vote period saw a flood of EU‑themed merchandise, street rallies, and even flag‑clashes at cultural events such as the 2017 Last Night of the Proms.Crucially, the tribal divide has not faded. By 2025, only around 40 % of “Leavers” feel comfortable discussing politics with “Remainers”, and the sentiment is reciprocated. This goes beyond mere disagreement; it reflects a level of social discrimination where individuals on opposite sides would hesitate to share a home or marry into each other’s families.The authors note that the split now extends to perceptions of reality itself. Even in 2024, Remainers and Leavers disagreed on basic economic indicators, illustrating how the referendum reshaped not just policy preferences but fundamental worldviews.Class‑based voting, which dominated the 20th‑century British political landscape, has been largely supplanted by this new cultural cleavage. A previous study co‑authored by Tilley showed that the Labour Party’s turn toward the political centre in the 1990s eroded traditional working‑class loyalty. Today, leader Keir Starmer’s working‑class credentials appear largely symbolic, offering little substantive change.With class politics receded, culture wars have taken centre stage. The Brexit campaign’s vague promises about trade left the nation with a protracted, messy adjustment period. Immigration, famously dubbed the “baseball bat” issue by Dominic Cummings, remains the most polarising policy divide, followed by foreign aid and even the death penalty.Hobolt and Tilley’s most striking chart shows that while Remainers and Leavers clash over immigration, they share little disagreement on economic equality, workers’ rights, or public ownership—issues that directly affect household incomes. This suggests that the political battle is driven more by symbolic identity than by material concerns, benefitting those already financially secure.In sum, the United Kingdom’s post‑Brexit reality is one of entrenched tribalism, where a single referendum has reshaped social bonds, political discourse, and perceptions of truth itself. The nation continues to grapple with the legacy of a vote that turned a policy decision into a lasting cultural fault line.

Jon McClure, the Sheffield‑born frontman of Reverend and the Makers, has taken a seat on the board of Sheffield FC – the world’s oldest football club – after joining a new minority‑ownership group with David Bianchi. The move marks the first time the musician has taken on a formal role in a football institution.McClure, a lifelong Wednesday supporter, first approached the club eight years ago but felt he wasn’t yet “in a mature enough position” to steward a cultural landmark. Since last month he has been actively reviewing the club’s operations and seeking ways to modernise a team that currently competes in the ninth tier of English football.The appointment comes as Sheffield FC enjoys a surge in interest, having recorded a club‑record league attendance of 1,172 spectators for a recent defeat to Tadcaster. The side will host the same opponents again in a Northern Counties East League playoff semi‑final after finishing third in the division.Unlike the high‑profile takeovers at Dagenham & Redbridge or Wrexham, McClure insists his approach will be “more considered”. He acknowledges the club’s history of “years of dysfunction” and warns against “putting rocket boosters on a three‑wheeler”, emphasizing a need for steady stabilisation before growth.Founded in 1857, Sheffield FC’s claim to fame is its role in codifying the modern game – a narrative McClure says is “still under‑told”. The club boasts the first football kit, the first recorded derby and a unique FIFA order of merit shared only with Real Madrid, offering “global IP opportunities”, according to the chair.To translate heritage into footfall, McClure has introduced free entry for children, hoping to lift typical matchday crowds from 300‑400 to larger numbers. He also highlights a logistical hurdle: the club’s “Home of Football” ground sits in Dronfield, Derbyshire, outside Sheffield’s city limits, prompting a long‑term ambition to relocate to a multi‑purpose venue in the city centre.McClure’s celebrity connections are already bearing fruit. He invited Sheffield music legend Richard Hawley to a recent fixture and maintains a friendly rapport with Sheffield United manager Chris Wilder, despite the historic rivalry between the city’s clubs.In a nod to modern digital culture, McClure’s brother Chris created the viral persona “Steve Bracknall”, the fictional assistant manager of the Royal Oak. When the Royal Oak played a real match at Sheffield FC, the event drew over 2,000 fans on the ground and half a million online viewers, including Robbie Williams, branding it “the biggest game in Sunday league history”.Looking ahead, McClure is keen to expand the club’s junior and women’s programmes, envisioning an “1857 Academy” that could scale globally if built on the right foundations. While a leap to the Northern Premier League is the realistic target, the broader goal is to cement Sheffield FC as a thriving community hub that honors its status as the birthplace of football.

In a night that felt more theatrical than competitive, Paris Saint‑Germain secured a 2‑0 victory over Liverpool at the Parc des Princes, leaving the English champions questioning their own identity ahead of the second leg.While Liverpool’s players showed resilience by refusing to abandon the fight, the result underscores a deeper issue: the team has lost five of their last eight matches and currently sits fifth in the Premier League, just three points clear of Everton in eighth place. The margin is razor‑thin and the pressure is mounting.PSG’s performance was a masterclass in flair and efficiency. Their first goal set the tone, but it was the second strike at the 66‑minute mark that captured headlines. Georgian winger Khvicha Kvaratskhelia received a swift pass from João Neves, surged past two Liverpool defenders with remarkable balance, evaded Ryan Gravenberch’s challenge, and finished with a composed right‑footed shot that left the Anfield side scrambling.The goal highlighted PSG’s technical edge: their movement was fluid, their ball control assured, and their finishing clinical. In contrast, Liverpool’s pressing strategy, orchestrated by manager Arne Slot, appeared tentative. Slot’s early enthusiasm has given way to a more nervous demeanor, as reflected in his subdued sideline presence.Beyond the scoreline, the match exposed Liverpool’s structural deficiencies. The team’s lack of a clear pattern and the absence of a recognizable “Liverpool goal” raise questions about the effectiveness of Slot’s tactical overhaul, often dubbed “Slot 2.0”.Adding to the narrative, midfielder Dominik Szoboszlai walked off the tunnel alone, a symbolic gesture that contrasted sharply with the collective pursuit of the manager by his teammates. The moment, while minor, hinted at a growing disconnect within the squad.PSG’s dominance was not limited to the goals. Their pre‑match spectacle—flashing lights, dramatic sound cues, and a flamboyant PA announcer—set a tone of confidence that translated onto the pitch. The French side’s control of possession and spatial awareness suggested they could have added another goal with more ruthless finishing.For Liverpool, the defeat is a sobering reminder of the challenges ahead. After a heavy loss to Manchester City in the FA Cup, the Reds entered Paris with evident apprehension. The 2‑0 result, while disappointing, may serve as a catalyst for introspection before the return leg at Anfield.Looking forward, the upcoming fixture at Anfield will test whether Liverpool can summon the “deep Anfield voodoo” that fans often cite as a turning point. The stakes are high: a positive result could revive their European ambitions, while another setback may cement doubts about their season trajectory.

Europe is undergoing a significant transformation in its relationship with the US, marked by a growing desire for independence and a shift away from Trump's aggressive policies. The recent crisis in the Middle East, where Trump's threat to annihilate Iranian civilisation was temporarily called off, has been a turning point in this journey. Initially, many European leaders had tacitly supported the US and Israeli attack on Iran, driven by a desire for a transatlantic detente and antipathy towards the Iranian regime. However, as the war escalated, Europe's stance began to shift, with countries like Italy, Poland, and France taking steps to distance themselves from Trump's policies. The cooling of European support for the war has taken various forms, including Italy denying US warplanes permission to use an airbase in Sicily, Poland refusing to send Patriot air defence systems to the Middle East, and France rejecting overflight rights and opposing a US-sponsored resolution at the UN security council. This shift in European policy is driven by a number of factors, including the realisation that the war has been a windfall for Russia, through higher oil prices and a depletion of air defence interceptors available to Ukraine. European leaders have also been reminded that the erosion of international law is bad news for the world, Europe included. As Europe finds its footing in distancing itself from Trump, it may also find its voice. Europe's diplomatic role in the Iranian nuclear file in the early 2000s grew out of its opposition to the Iraq war. Today, the same dynamic could unfold, with Europe promoting a permanent end of hostilities and a multilateral initiative in the region. The proposal by a group of European, Gulf, and Asian countries to contribute to ensuring safe passage through the strait of Hormuz was originally aimed at placating Trump. Europeans then backed a UN-led fertiliser corridor to prevent a food crisis in the global south. The UK is also leading a coalition of more than 40 countries seeking to reopen the strait once the US and Israel definitively end their offensive. If a sustainable reopening of Hormuz succeeds, it could eventually extend to a new nuclear agreement, a non-aggression pact between the US and Iran, and a similar one between Israel and Iran – including Lebanon. It could involve the release of Iranian funds frozen abroad to rebuild infrastructure destroyed by US and Israeli attacks, and the selective lifting of EU and US sanctions.

The UK government announced legislation that will protect disabled claimants from an automatic reassessment of benefits when they begin paid employment or volunteering. The measure, dubbed the “right to try”, is slated to take effect at the end of April and aims to remove the fear of losing financial support that many say discourages job‑seeking. Minister for Social Security and Disability Sir Stephen Timms framed the policy as a reassurance for people “stranded in the benefits system”. He emphasized that the change also extends to volunteering, which he described as a vital stepping‑stone toward sustainable employment. The new rules will apply to recipients of Employment and Support Allowance (ESA), Personal Independence Payment (PIP) and the health element of Universal Credit. Under the current system, taking up work can trigger a reassessment that often leads to reduced or withdrawn support, a risk that has deterred many disabled individuals from seeking employment. Disability advocates welcomed the development but cautioned that it does not tackle the deeper obstacles faced by disabled job‑seekers. James Taylor, a director at the charity Scope, called the policy “a step in the right direction” but warned that “the odds are stacked against disabled people when it comes to finding suitable work”. He urged the government to fund personalised employment support and to halt further benefit cuts. Research from the flexible‑working nonprofit Timewise underscores the challenge: only 2.5% of long‑term sick or disabled individuals who are economically inactive manage to return to work each year, and more than half of those jobs last fewer than four months. Mikey Erhardt of Disability Rights UK highlighted that a secure “right to try” is essential to ensure that anyone who tries work can retain the same level of support if the venture fails. Critics also noted that the announcement coincides with a controversial reduction to the health element of Universal Credit, which will be halved for new claimants and frozen unless stricter eligibility criteria are met. Timms acknowledged the pressure this creates, saying the previous system forced people to prove they were “too unwell to work”. Campaigners fear the simultaneous cuts will exacerbate financial strain for disabled claimants already navigating an uncertain labour market. Erhardt warned that “hundreds of thousands of disabled people will experience yet another cut in living standards”, arguing that successive governments have treated social security more as a coercive tool than a safety net.

The Norwegian Nobel Committee, which awards the Nobel Peace Prize, has publicly condemned Moscow’s latest effort to label the human‑rights organisation Memorial as an "extremist organisation". Chairman Jørgen Watne Frydnes said the committee is "deeply alarmed" by the Russian authorities’ attempt to dismantle a co‑recipient of the 2022 Peace Prize. According to the statement released on Wednesday, Russia’s Supreme Court is set to review a petition from the Ministry of Justice that seeks to add Memorial to the nation’s list of “undesirable” entities. If approved, the designation would ban the group from operating within Russia and expose anyone associated with it to up to four years in prison and substantial fines. Memorial, already branded a “foreign agent” and ordered dissolved by the Supreme Court at the end of 2021, would see all of its activities criminalised under the new petition, Frydnes warned. He added that even sharing the organisation’s published material could lead to imprisonment. “To designate such an organisation as extremist is an affront to the fundamental values of human dignity and freedom of expression,” Frydnes asserted, urging Russian officials to withdraw the claim immediately and cease all harassment of Memorial and its members. Memorial shared the 2022 Nobel Peace Prize with Ukraine’s Centre for Civil Liberties and Belarusian activist Ales Bialiatski. Founded in 1987, Memorial specialises in documenting human‑rights violations across Russia and once operated a network of roughly 50 affiliated groups both inside and outside the country. Several of these affiliates continue their work from bases in Germany, France and Italy. Key figures from Memorial have faced criminal proceedings in Russia. Notably, activist Oleg Orlov, who was sentenced for speaking out against the war in Ukraine, was released in a 2024 prisoner exchange and now works abroad to continue documenting abuses. The committee’s statement concludes with a direct appeal: Russian authorities should immediately rescind the extremist label and halt any further intimidation of the organisation and its supporters.