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Thousands of Muqtada al‑Sadr’s followers took to the streets of Baghdad and several other Iraqi cities on Saturday, staging one of the largest anti‑war rallies in recent memory. Demonstrators brandished Iraqi flags while chanting slogans such as “No, no to Israel” and “No, no to America,” signaling broad opposition to the escalating conflict. Iraq, already caught in a web of regional hostilities, has endured attacks aimed at both U.S. interests and pro‑Iranian groups within its borders. The protests underscore the country’s growing frustration at being drawn into a war it did not initiate. In the heart of Baghdad’s Tahrir Square, crowds—including women—filled the avenues, their voices amplified by a palpable sense of urgency. “What America and Israel are doing is not a conventional military operation but a senseless war,” declared Dhirgham Samir, a 40‑year‑old participant, speaking to AFP. Samir added that the demonstration represented a broader rejection of “aggression, arrogance and injustice” worldwide, emphasizing that civilians are the primary victims of this conflict. Since the war began, thousands of casualties have been reported across the region, a grim statistic that fuels public anger. Al‑Sadr himself called for peaceful rallies aimed at condemning what he described as “Zionist‑American aggression” and urging a return to regional stability. His appeal resonated with many, reflecting his deep-rooted influence among Iraq’s Shia majority. Protesters gathered beneath Baghdad’s Freedom Monument, a symbol of the nation’s independence, to denounce perceived foreign meddling. Muslim leader Ali al‑Fartousi told AFP, “Humanity must speak out against these forces; the world must unite against Zionist‑American arrogance.” Al‑Sadr commands a loyal base numbering in the millions and has repeatedly demonstrated an ability to mobilise large crowds. Though he has opposed various Iraqi governments over the years, his network extends into ministries and state institutions, amplifying the political weight of today’s demonstrations.

Occupied East Jerusalem – While Holy Week traditionally fills the Old City’s Christian Quarter with pilgrims and worshippers, the streets are now eerily quiet and storefronts remain shuttered.Palestinian shopkeeper Boulos, a man in his mid‑30s who asked to remain anonymous, still drags himself to his modest stall a few times a week, selling religious garments behind a half‑closed door to avoid Israeli orders that mandate closure of businesses in the quarter amid the ongoing US‑Israel conflict with Iran.After six years of pandemic‑related setbacks and successive wars, his business had only begun to recover when the October Gaza ceasefire was followed by a new wave of restrictions. “Before the war with Iran, we barely made enough to survive,” he said. “Now there is no income at all.”His only customer that day was an Ethiopian Christian woman buying a kilo of prayer candles for 35 shekels (about $11.20). “What can 35 shekels do for me?” Boulos lamented, underscoring the stark economic squeeze.Unlike many West Jerusalem shops, which have been allowed to stay open because of nearby bomb shelters, the Old City lacks such protection, leaving Palestinian businesses in the Christian Quarter effectively forced to shut. The area, heavily dependent on tourism, shows the least sign of life.Brother Daoud Kassabry, principal of the College des Frères school, described the scene as “the saddest Jerusalem I have ever seen.” Classes have been suspended for over a month, and the community feels the weight of an unprecedentedly difficult period.For the first time in centuries, Israeli police barred Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, and other senior clergy from entering the Church of the Holy Sepulchre for Palm Sunday Mass. The Latin Patriarchate called the incident “unprecedented in centuries.”At a press conference, Cardinal Pizzaballa emphasized that while “all celebrations” have been cancelled for security reasons, “no one, not even the Pope, can cancel the liturgy of Easter.”Following the incident, leaders from Italy, France and the United States condemned the police action. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu later defended the measure as a safety precaution, citing the absence of bomb shelters near the holy site, despite the cardinal’s residence being only metres away.Netanyahu’s justification raises questions about the long‑standing “status‑quo” arrangement that places custodianship of Christian and Muslim holy sites under the heads of their respective religious institutions and Jordan’s Waqf. Palestinian Christians interpret the rhetoric as evidence of an increasingly hostile environment under Israeli control.Bishop Emeritus Munib Younan recounted being spat on by Jewish yeshiva students in the Old City without any legal consequences. He now prefers to attend services in Bethlehem or a small church outside Jerusalem, where he feels “no one is pointing a gun at you.”“They want to show the world that this country is only meant for them – not Christians, not Muslims,” Younan said, reflecting a sentiment shared by many locals.Netanyahu later announced that religious ceremonies at the Holy Sepulchre would be permitted during Holy Week, but only for clergy, keeping the general public out. Observers noted the inconsistency, pointing out that Muslim worshippers have been barred from the Al‑Aqsa compound since late February, including during Ramadan, with only minimal international rebuke.The cumulative restrictions have crippled the already dwindling Palestinian Christian community, which now makes up less than 2 % of the population in Israel and the occupied territories. Traditional events such as the Way of the Cross procession and Holy Fire Saturday have been cancelled, eroding communal cohesion.Father Faris Abedrabbo of the Annunciation Latin Parish linked the current hardships to the Passion narrative, urging congregants to view their suffering through the lens of “steadfastness” – an active, spiritual resistance rather than passive endurance.Economic despair is prompting a new wave of emigration. Bishop Younan reported that many young Christians ask for help obtaining visas to the United States, Canada or Australia, fearing there is “no future” in Jerusalem. Boulos, the shopkeeper, admits he has considered leaving, noting that “they try to make us lose hope and abandon this land.”Despite the bleak outlook, Boulos continues to visit his shop, saying, “I come here to prove to myself that I still have hope, even if it feels endless.”

Taybeh, a small hilltop town in the heart of the West Bank, is one of the oldest Christian communities in the world. After increasing attacks from Israeli settlers it now feels itself under siege and is fighting for its very existence.The town’s ancient Greek name was Ephraim where, according to the gospels, Jesus hid with his disciples from the Jewish religious hierarchy, the Sanhedrin, before making his final fateful trip to Jerusalem.A church was built here in the fifth century, and the entirely Christian community survived the crusaders, conquest by Salah ad-Din Yusuf ibn Ayyub or Saladin, the Ottoman empire, the British empire, and three Arab-Israeli wars, but its inhabitants say its long-term future is in question.There are four substantial Israeli settlements around Taybeh, and countless unofficial outposts have also sprung up on the steep hills overlooking the Jordan valley. They have been set up by messianic Jews who send their young people, the “hilltop youth”, to harass and intimidate local Palestinians in the surrounding countryside.The relentless land grabs and intimidation is a pattern repeated up and down the West Bank in a campaign the UN has called ethnic cleansing, which has been driven by hardline members of the ruling coalition, the finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, and the national security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir.“First they kicked the Bedouin out in the last three years and put up their caravans and bring their cows and sheep. They are using the land without any permission from the owners and from ourselves,” said Fr. Bashar Fawadleh, the parish priest of Christ the Redeemer church.Over the past year, the pressure has been turned up further. In July last year, settlers set fire to the grounds of the fifth–century Byzantine church, St Peter’s. Since then, bands of hilltop youth have raided the town four times, setting fire to cars, slashing tires and smashing windows.The church, part of the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem, supports small business ventures to provide jobs and builds affordable housing, but the community is still haemorrhaging. Fifteen families have left in the past two years, leaving the current population at about 1,100.After the attack on St Peter’s church in July, the US ambassador, Mike Huckabee, visited the town to condemn what he called “an act of terror” and to appeal for prosecutions.No prosecutions have been reported, and Huckabee has not spoken out over any of the subsequent attacks on Taybeh. A Southern Baptist minister, the ambassador is a fervent supporter of Israel’s territorial claims to the West Bank and beyond, which he argues are divinely ordained.In the West Bank however, the Christian population has shrunk from 5% of the total population in 1967 to roughly 1% today, about 45,000 people.The fierce religious nationalism that the Israeli government has cultivated in recent years has largely been directed at Palestinian Muslims but there has been a rising tide of anti-Christian incidents.Jad Isaac, the director general of the Applied Research Institute-Jerusalem, which tracks the Israeli takeover of land and resources on the West Bank, said: “When Netanyahu says we are the only country which is taking care of the Christians, he’s a liar. He said that in Palestinian Christian communities in the West Bank “the strategy is to make life intolerable”.

The film 'All the President's Men', directed by Alan Pakula and starring Robert Redford and Dustin Hoffman, premiered 50 years ago on Saturday at the John F Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts. The movie is based on the 1974 book of the same name by Washington Post reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, which chronicled their investigation into the Watergate imbroglio that led to the downfall of President Richard Nixon. The film was a critical and commercial success, earning eight Oscar nominations and winning four, including best adapted screenplay for William Goldman and best supporting actor for Jason Robards as Ben Bradlee, the Post editor. The movie is widely regarded as a classic of American cinema and a landmark in the genre of journalism films. Jane Alexander, who played the role of Judy Hoback, the 'Bookkeeper' of the Committee to Re-elect the President, recalls her experience filming the iconic scene with Hoffman and Redford. She praises Pakula's direction and the attention to detail that went into recreating the Post's newsroom. The film's accuracy and attention to detail were indeed a hallmark of its production. Woodward and Bernstein worked closely with the filmmakers to ensure that the story was told accurately, and the production team went to great lengths to recreate the Post's office and the Washington D.C. of the 1970s. The article also touches on the impact of the film on the careers of its stars and the journalists it portrayed. Redford and Hoffman spent months researching and rehearsing their roles, and their performances are widely praised. Woodward reflects on the film's portrayal of him and its impact on his personal life. The anniversary of the film comes at a time when the media is under attack and the Washington Post, now owned by tech billionaire Jeff Bezos, has recently undergone significant changes. The film's themes of investigative journalism and the importance of a free press remain as relevant today as they were 50 years ago.

Pep Lijnders revealed that Bernardo Silva will depart Manchester City this summer, urging the club to give the veteran a proper send‑off as his contract runs out in June.The Portuguese international, now 31, has enjoyed an impressive campaign but, according to the assistant manager, this will be his final season in the Sky Blue jersey.Speaking candidly, Lijnders said, "When he is not playing you will see how he is missed – that’s one game. Every good story comes to an end, and I hope he enjoys the last months – there are only six weeks – and has a good farewell. He deserves all that attention as well."Silva arrived from Monaco in July 2017 for a reported £43.5 million fee and quickly became integral to Pep Guardiola’s era of dominance, collecting six Premier League titles, two FA Cups, five League Cups, a Champions League trophy and two FIFA Club World Cups. He was also appointed captain for the current season.Lijnders, who previously served under Jürgen Klopp at Liverpool before joining City, praised Silva’s footballing intellect: "I didn’t like him before. Now I love him. The way he feels the game, what’s needed – there aren’t many like him. He knows when to drop, when to make a move 20 metres away from Rodri."He added, "Bernardo Silva is unique. The way he controls games, moves, receives the ball and leads is unparalleled. You never replace a player of his type because they simply don’t exist." Lijnders emphasized the club’s focus on nurturing academy talent to fill midfield roles rather than seeking a direct replica.Silva, who has previously spoken of wanting to end his career at Benfica, will become a free agent this summer. Barcelona have reportedly shown interest, though neither the player nor Manchester City have issued an official statement regarding his next move.

Prime Minister Keir Starmer seized the launch of a new package of workers’ rights, due to take effect on Monday, to launch a direct attack on the Green Party and Reform UK. He warned that supporting any rival would place recent gains in sick pay, parental leave and the curbing of zero‑hours contracts in jeopardy. Speaking ahead of the May 7 local elections, Starmer framed Labour’s agenda as the only one offering a "serious, credible economic strategy" capable of delivering the reforms. He dismissed business critics as "vested interests" who had warned against the measures. The reforms include several headline‑making changes: the two‑child benefit cap is lifted – a demand long championed by child‑poverty advocates – and the government touts this as one of its proudest achievements. A 4.8% rise in the state pension will raise weekly payments to £241.30, while the standard allowance for Universal Credit climbs by 2.3%. Under the Employment Rights Act 2025, statutory sick pay becomes a right from the first day of illness, and workers will be entitled to paternity and unpaid parental leave immediately upon starting a job. These "day‑one rights" are presented as the most significant strengthening of workers’ protections in a generation. Labour is positioning these policies as a bulwark against potential losses in English council and mayoral contests, where it faces challenges from Reform on the right and the Greens on the left. Recent YouGov data placed the Greens and Reform each at 21%** of voting intention, with Labour trailing at **17%**. Starmer’s rhetoric signals a leftward shift within Labour, amid pressure from potential leadership rivals such as Angela Rayner and Andy Burnham. He acknowledged past opposition from business leaders who warned of costs and disruption, but asserted that Labour chose to stand with "working people". Not all left‑wing allies are satisfied. Unite’s General Secretary Sharon Graham criticised the Employment Rights Act as "a shell of its former self," while the union recently slashed its membership fees to Labour over disputes like the Birmingham bin strike. The Conservative Party, represented by Kemi Badenoch, condemned the removal of the two‑child benefit cap, claiming it would cost billions and "reward worklessness". Government analysis estimates the change will channel at least £1 billion annually to 186,000 work‑less households, with a typical family of two unemployed adults and three children seeing a **£6,400** income boost. The bulk of the benefit is projected to flow to a handful of cities – Leeds, Manchester, Birmingham, Bradford and Glasgow – each set to receive over **£200 million** per year. Starmer likened the current reforms to the Blair government’s introduction of the minimum wage 27 years ago, positioning them as a historic step forward for the UK labour market.

The modern workplace is witnessing a surge in trends that prioritize flexibility and work-life balance over traditional productivity. Microshifting, coffee badging, and bare minimum Mondays are just a few examples of how employees are redefining what it means to work.Microshifting involves breaking the traditional 9-to-5 workday into short, flexible bursts of activity, allowing for a better work-life balance. Coffee badging, on the other hand, involves taking time out of the workday to protest an employer's in-office requirements by driving into the office, swiping a badge, having a coffee, and then taking more time out to drive back home.These trends are not new, and they have been referred to by other names in the past, such as 'taking the piss'. Other trends, like quiet quitting, career cushioning, quiet vacationing, task masking, quiet cracking, and resenteeism, all share a common trait: avoiding work.The question remains, whatever happened to actually working? When a company hires an employee to do a job, there is an implied assumption that the employee will actually do their job. However, these trends suggest that employees are not necessarily doing their jobs, and yet, they still expect to receive their paychecks.Employers often accuse employees of stealing money from them when they avoid work, but rather than addressing the issue directly, they often terminate the employee quietly. The article concludes that these trends have been beneficial for academics, journalists, HR teams, and workplace experts, but most employers see right through them.In a slowing economy and softening job market, the demand for workers with the right attitude, who work hard, display discipline, and get their jobs done, will always be strong. People who succeed are not microshifting, coffee badging, or working bare minimum Mondays; they are working, actually working.

The UK government has introduced a series of landmark reforms aimed at supporting working people, pensioners, and children. On Monday, the biggest strengthening of workers' rights in a generation comes into force, granting workers day-one rights to statutory sick pay and paternity leave. The government is increasing the state pension, putting more money in the pockets of millions of people who have worked hard all their lives. Additionally, the two-child benefit cap has been abolished, lifting nearly half a million children out of poverty. Prime Minister Keir Starmer emphasized that these choices were made in the face of opposition, but the government chose to stand up for working people. The reforms aim to provide greater security at work and stronger protections against rising costs. Keir Starmer highlighted the importance of these choices, stating that the test of any government is not what it promises, but whose side it is on when it matters most. The government aims to build a stronger Britain for all by supporting working people.

The new Reform UK promotion, dubbed “Nigel cut my bills,” asks voters to surrender personal details – name, phone, email and voting history – for a chance that Nigel Farage will foot their energy bills for a year. The concept reads like a scripted MrBeast video: a charismatic host appears on a suburban street, hands out cash, and celebrates each winner with upbeat music and on‑screen tallies. While the party frames the scheme as a bold, voter‑engaging move, privacy advocates have already flagged potential breaches of data‑protection law. More troubling, however, is what the stunt signifies: the “MrBeastification” of British politics, where flashy giveaways replace substantive policy debate. Reform UK’s website touts a suite of promised savings if it wins the next election: scrapping VAT on energy bills (a £85 reduction), eliminating Labour’s green levy (£100), and removing the carbon tax (£15). The messaging is clear – Farage is portrayed as a man who puts money directly into voters’ pockets. Yet the underlying issue of soaring energy costs is oversimplified. Bills are high not because of the mentioned taxes, but because the UK’s electricity price is tied to volatile gas market prices. Farage’s advocacy for renewed North Sea drilling would lock the country into this volatility, offering short‑term relief at the expense of long‑term energy security. Earlier, Reform UK floated a controversial policy targeting non‑domiciled residents: a one‑off charge of £250,000 for a ten‑year renewable residence permit, with proceeds earmarked for low‑paid workers. Critics argue the fee merely shifts the burden onto wealthy foreigners while providing negligible benefit to ordinary voters. In the world of viral giveaways, the spectacle often masks deeper shortcomings. As the article notes, after MrBeast hands cash to a homeless man, he probes the man’s backstory, revealing systemic issues that a single payment cannot solve. Similarly, Reform’s grand gestures risk being tokenistic, offering temporary excitement without addressing the structural challenges of the UK’s energy market. Ultimately, the “Nigel cut my bills” competition may capture attention, but it also underscores a shift toward sensationalist political communication that prioritises instant gratification over meaningful policy solutions.