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Oppdal, a mountain village in central Norway, hosted its first interspecies council on a snowy morning at the Bjerkeløkkja conference centre. Thirty‑eight local participants each represented a different species – from a northern bat to a birch tree – and voiced the needs of the natural world in a structured decision‑making process.The council draws on the legacy of the Council of All Beings, a practice created in the 1980s by environmentalists John Seed and Joanna Macy. Phoebe Tickell, a scientist and “moral imagination” activist mentored by Macy, adapted the ritual into a governance methodology that expands representation beyond humans.Facilitators first identified the multispecies stakeholders in the region, then briefed human representatives – chosen either randomly or for expertise – on the perspectives they would embody. The session concluded with a manifesto of principles for human governance and an impact‑evaluation plan to track participants’ connection to nature six months later.Oppdal’s mayor, Elisabeth Hals, noted that the village’s population swells from 5,000 to over 30,000 in winter as tourists flock to private cabins (hytter). The municipality plans to add 1,000 new apartments by 2035 to promote year‑round tourism, a move that has sparked debate over land use, farming, and conservation.During the council, a birch “worried there’s too much of me,” while a rockfoil flower urged humans to “slow down and listen to where nature can tolerate more activity.” The River Driva lamented being treated as a mere resource, and a fox enthusiastically pointed at a wader, highlighting the emotional range the exercise seeks to capture.Proponents argue that such empathy‑building exercises are crucial as wildlife populations have fallen by roughly 70 % over the past 50 years. Tickell contends that “imperfect representation beats exclusion” and envisions interspecies councils becoming as routine as environmental impact assessments.Across the UK, 13 councils have recognised river rights since 2023, and a coalition of artists, ecologists, lawyers and policymakers is exploring similar biodiversity governance around the North Sea. In London, multispecies assemblies have already informed stewardship of the River Roding and land‑use consultations.Oppdal’s experiment aims to create “institutional trace” – genuine decision‑making power backed by robust methodology and longitudinal research – rather than a tokenistic green‑washing exercise. If successful, the model could be replicated internationally, giving non‑human nature a formal seat at the policy table.

Argentina's glacier law has been in effect since 2010, and was the first legislation in Latin America to protect glaciers. It has been a point of contention for mining companies and provincial authorities ever since.The law bans 'any activity' that can affect the 'natural condition' of a glacier or the periglacial frozen land surrounding it, or that results in 'its destruction, movement or interferes with its advance'. That includes the construction of infrastructure not for scientific purposes and any industrial activity. Mining companies, including Barrick, have previously sought to have the law deemed unconstitutional, but the supreme court rejected the challenge.However, a recent reform to the glacier law driven by the far-right government of Javier Milei will relax restrictions, paving the way for mines in high-altitude areas blanketed with ice and snow, which are sources of water. The new law, approved on Wednesday by 137 votes to 111, with three abstentions, will enable provincial authorities to decide which glaciers are protected and which are open for development based on whether they represent a 'relevant water function'.Environmentalists and community members such as Zeballos, a 51-year-old accountant turned activist, have long alleged that Veladero, owned by Canada-based Barrick Mining Corporation and China's Shandong Gold, is operating illegally in an area considered off-limits by Argentina's Ley de Glaciares – or glacier law. The reform has sparked a wave of protests, with Greenpeace activists staging a demonstration on the steps of the National Congress.'What is at stake is the protection of key water reserves in Argentina,' says Andrés Nápoli, a lawyer and executive director of the Foundation of Environment and Natural Resources (Farn), an environmental and human rights NGO. 'Saying that you have to destroy glaciers to guarantee the energy transition is an oxymoron.'About 7 million people, 16% of the population in Argentina, live in areas that depend on glaciers, according to environmental organisations. Glaciers don't just feed rivers; they balance fragile ecosystems hit hard by a heating planet. In Argentina's northwest, scientists say they have shrunk by 17% in the past 10 years.

Dallas is positioning itself as a major player in the financial sector, with a bold initiative dubbed 'Y'all Street' aimed at stealing New York's financial crown. The city's aggressive push is backed by significant investments and incentives, including a $700m project by Goldman Sachs to build a new campus that will host over 5,000 staff.The Dallas-Fort Worth metro area has seen its financial sector workforce boom, surging 40% to 386,000 staff over the past decade. This growth has been fueled by multimillion-dollar subsidies and new fast-track business courts, as well as Texas's complete lack of corporation and income tax. Recent wins include a 10-year property tax break and $2.7m in grants that helped convince Scotiabank to relocate from North Carolina, bringing 1,000 jobs to the state.Nasdaq and the NYSE have also launched branches of their stock exchanges in Dallas, while a new Texas stock exchange (TXSE) is set to launch later this year with looser listing rules that are likely to appeal to right-leaning executives. The TXSE has even launched a TV ad campaign targeting New York, with a Texas longhorn shattering Wall Street's famous bull statue.Dallas's mayor, Eric Johnson, is serious about stealing finance jobs from New York, citing policy differences with liberal-leaning cities like New York as a major factor. Johnson's team is actively targeting firms put off by left-leaning policies, with a 10-person delegation sent to New York this month to meet and lure Wall Street executives southward.The city's pitches are intensifying, with a focus on being closer to big business clients and major tech firms that have shifted their center of gravity to Texas. Over the course of the 2020s, Texas surpassed California and became host to the largest number of NYSE-listed and Fortune 500 company headquarters of any American state.However, experts warn that the flood of wealthy bankers may put pressure on poorer families, particularly when it comes to rental prices. The surge in rental prices over the past 15 years has disproportionately hurt lower-income families, with rent eating up more than half their wages. Campaigners are now warning that, without targeted support, inequality across Dallas is likely to grow.To address these concerns, Dallas is trying to rapidly tackle the problem, with initiatives such as slashing parking requirements for new developments and rewriting building regulations to make it easier to push through smaller-scale developments for multi-family buildings.

Big Mama Thornton, born Willie Mae Thornton in 1926, was a force to be reckoned with in the music industry. Standing at 6ft 2in, with an imposing physique and a razor-scarred face, she exuded uncompromising intensity. Her voice conveyed struggle and defiance, fury and hurt, like few others.Thornton's music career began in the 1940s, performing with comedians, dancers, and musicians in the touring Hot Harlem Revue. In 1950, she was signed to Duke and Peacock Records and adopted the stage name 'Big Mama' by Johnny Otis. Her most famous song, 'Hound Dog', was written for her by Mike Stoller and Jerry Leiber and topped the R&B charts for nearly two months in 1953.Despite her early success, Thornton's career was marked by financial struggles and racism. She was often forced to perform animal-themed comedy songs and was underpaid by her manager, Don Robey. Her frustration with the music industry and her experiences with racism and sexism are etched in her voice, says Black British blues singer Dawnette Fessey.Thornton's legacy extends beyond her music. She was a trailblazer for Black female artists and an inspiration to many, including Janis Joplin, who recorded Thornton's song 'Ball and Chain'. A new documentary, Big Mama Thornton: I Can’t Be Anyone But Me, aims to right the wrongs of her overlooked legacy and celebrate her contributions to blues music.

Roberto De Zerbi has vowed to bring back the attacking style of football known as 'Ange-ball' to Tottenham Hotspur in a bid to prevent the club's first relegation in 49 years. The Italian manager has only seven games to impart his complex football philosophy to his players. De Zerbi wants to replicate the rampant, marauding style of his predecessor Ange Postecoglou, who won Tottenham's first trophy in 17 years but was dismissed after finishing 17th in the Premier League last season. “I want to keep the ball,” De Zerbi said. “I want to see again the Tottenham I watched with Postecoglou because, in my second season in Brighton, there was Postecoglou here with a lot of these players and it was one of the best teams in terms of quality of play.” De Zerbi has kept things simple in his early days at Tottenham, with individual meetings and training sessions on the pitch. The first test of what has been absorbed will be away to Sunderland on Sunday. De Zerbi has often been criticised for short stays at previous clubs, but he insists he is committed to Spurs “for a long time” after signing a contract to 2031, which does not include a break clause if they are relegated. Spurs have lost seven of their past nine games but De Zerbi has analysed their recent matches and taken encouragement from the 1-1 draw at Liverpool and 3-2 Champions League win against Atlético Madrid. “We have to show this for 90 minutes and we have to believe in ourselves,” he said. “The most important part in football is the mental part. You are used to speaking too much about the style of play, the tactical disposition, blah, blah, blah. But in the end, the mental part is crucial in every work, especially in football, especially in this moment in Tottenham.”

Jonathan Freedland contends that the record of Benjamin Netanyahu’s recent wartime conduct is one of stark failure, despite the spotlight it has received alongside former U.S. President Donald Trump.While Trump has dominated headlines with his rhetoric on Iran and a self‑announced cease‑fire, Netanyahu has quietly overseen a continuation of hostilities across the region. Israel’s air campaign on Lebanon—the most lethal single strike in recent memory—targeted roughly 100 sites in a ten‑minute window, leaving at least 303 dead and more than 1,150 injured, many of them civilians.Israel maintains that the U.S.‑brokered deal with Tehran does not extend to Lebanon, a claim disputed by Iran and Pakistani mediators. Netanyahu, meanwhile, has pledged to sustain “full‑force” attacks on what Israel labels Hezbollah launch positions, even as he publicly agrees to diplomatic talks with Beirut.Internationally, Netanyahu is already wanted by the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes in Gaza, and his reputation abroad is that of a war‑time villain. Domestically, his supporters still view him as a security hawk, a perception that matters most as Israel faces elections no later than 27 October.Freedland highlights that the October 7, 2023 Hamas onslaught—Israel’s deadliest terrorist attack—occurred under Netanyahu’s watch, a fact that would have toppled most leaders in comparable democracies. Yet the prime minister promised “total victory” over Hamas, a promise that remains unfulfilled after a two‑year bombardment that has claimed roughly 70,000 lives in Gaza while leaving Hamas in control of the enclave’s unoccupied areas.Claims of having neutralised Hezbollah have also proved hollow. Although Israel announced the death of the group’s leader, Hezbollah continues to rebuild its arsenal and resumed rocket fire, undermining the narrative of a decisive Israeli triumph.Similarly, the 12‑day 2025‑2026 confrontation with Iran—branded by Trump as an obliteration of Tehran’s nuclear programme and by Netanyahu as a historic victory—has not diminished Iran’s strategic capabilities. The nation still possesses enriched uranium, a robust missile stockpile, and the ability to threaten global shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, effectively holding a lever over the world economy.Freedland argues that Netanyahu’s doctrine of perpetual military pressure yields only temporary relief, likening it to repeatedly cutting off a snake’s head only for it to regrow. Former Israeli general‑turned‑politician Yair Golan is quoted as saying that Netanyahu “does not know how to translate battlefield successes into lasting political security.”The human cost of this approach is evident not only in the casualties of Gaza, the Bekaa Valley and Israeli cities, but also in Israel’s deteriorating diplomatic standing. Recent legislation in the Knesset—pushed by far‑right minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir and supported by Netanyahu—introduces a death‑penalty provision for Palestinians convicted of terrorism, a move condemned internationally as discriminatory.As Israelis endure nightly bomb‑shelter drills and semi‑lockdown conditions, the electorate faces a stark choice. Polls suggest that even if Netanyahu is ousted, his successor may continue a similar hard‑line stance, albeit with different execution. Freedland concludes that Israel’s long‑term security cannot rely solely on force; a negotiated accommodation with neighbours, especially the Palestinians, may finally become politically viable after the exposure of Netanyahu’s repeated strategic failures.

Four months after Australia introduced its under‑16 social‑media ban, Sydney teenager Noah Jones says his online experience has been largely unchanged – he has not been removed from any platform.Jones recounts a brief hiccup on Instagram that he quickly resolved, and notes a friend who temporarily lost access to Snapchat but managed to circumvent it. "That’s pretty much my whole experience of the ban," he says.Despite his personal continuity, Jones is now a plaintiff in a High Court challenge mounted by the Digital Freedom Project, which argues the ban infringes the implied constitutional right to political communication.The eSafety Commissioner, Julie Inman‑Grant, recently disclosed that more than 5 million accounts have been deactivated since the policy’s rollout, yet over two‑thirds of teenagers remain active on the ten targeted platforms – Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat, TikTok, YouTube, X, Twitch, Kick, Threads and Reddit. Young users are reportedly bypassing facial‑age estimation tools, especially when they are within two years of turning 16.Further eSafety findings reveal that 66 % of parents say platforms did not request age verification, and when ages of 14 or 15 were detected, platforms often prompted users to undergo facial‑recognition checks and simply adjust the displayed age rather than enforce deactivation.Communications Minister Anika Wells has urged the commissioner to "throw the book at" non‑compliant services, noting that fines could reach up to $49.5 million per breach in federal court. However, any penalties are likely to be considered only after the High Court decides the law’s validity.Wells also pledged new legislation imposing a digital duty of care on platforms, obliging them to take reasonable steps to prevent harm. The bill is slated for parliamentary debate later this year.The Digital Freedom Project, led by NSW Libertarian MP John Ruddick, contends that banning under‑16s from holding accounts effectively silences their participation in political discourse, as logged‑out viewing does not permit meaningful engagement.Legal scholars are divided. Prof. Sarah Joseph of Griffith University warns that an ineffective law could breach the implied freedom of political communication, while Monash University’s Prof. Luke Beck argues that the law’s purpose is to compel platforms to enforce age restrictions, not to achieve 100 % compliance.Beck points out that most legislation is not perfectly effective – citing murder laws and age‑restricted media – and that courts typically assess whether a law is a proportionate means to a legitimate aim.The government acknowledges that the age limit imposes a burden on political communication but maintains the measure is justified to mitigate risks from algorithmic recommendation systems, endless feeds, and other features that can amplify harm.Jones will turn 16 in August, at which point the ban would no longer apply to him. His mother, Renee Jones, says she faced online backlash for opposing the ban, with some critics even suggesting her children be taken away."It’s my right to choose how I raise my children in a digital world," she asserts, emphasizing strict household rules: no devices in bedrooms, phones locked at night, and shared passwords for parental oversight.Jones acknowledges the downsides of social media – bullying and explicit content – but stresses that his generation relies on these platforms for news and forming opinions, more so than traditional media.Both Jones and his mother argue the legislation was rushed and is failing to address the core concerns about harmful content, leaving many teens, like Noah, to navigate the digital landscape largely unchanged despite the ban.

Some American cities shortlisted to host the 2031 Women's World Cup are contemplating withdrawal due to concerns related to Fifa's management of this summer's World Cup. The cities are exploring alternative options, such as focusing on hosting the 2031 Rugby World Cup instead.There are 40 stadiums on the US Soccer Federation's longlist for potential 2031 Women's World Cup venues, while World Rugby has received expressions of interest from 27 cities featuring 33 stadiums, with 20 stadiums appearing on both lists. Cities like Chicago and Pittsburgh have already declined to enter the running for Women's World Cup hosting rights, reportedly due to concerns about Fifa's financial demands.A source working with one of the cities in question noted that World Rugby is offering greater commercial freedom and has fewer demands regarding access to stadiums. Another source indicated that the Rugby World Cup is likely to be more profitable due to the demographic profile of rugby supporters and their expected spending on match attendance.Fifa delayed confirmation of the 2031 World Cup hosts from the end of this month to an unspecified date this year. The joint proposal from the US, Mexico, Costa Rica, and Jamaica is currently the only bid on the table. Additionally, there are concerns about the US government not providing Fifa with mandatory guarantees regarding obligations on visas, tax, safety, and security.The experience of dealing with Fifa for the upcoming men's World Cup has not been uniformly positive for all cities, with issues such as safety and security costs and public transport problems. World Rugby has announced that it will finance its event and share profits or losses with USA Rugby, rather than requiring hosts to underwrite the tournament.

Protesters in Ireland and Norway have escalated demonstrations against rising fuel costs, turning major highways into blockades and prompting a convoy of lorries to converge on Oslo’s parliament. The unrest is linked to the broader spike in oil prices triggered by the conflict in the Middle East. In Dublin, hauliers, farmers and other groups have shut down motorways for the fourth consecutive day, causing fuel shortages, traffic chaos and warnings that essential supplies—food, clean water and animal feed—are at risk. The Irish police force, An Garda Síochána, described the blockades as unlawful and warned that continued defiance could lead to arrests. The Irish government has placed the army on standby to clear the obstructions, while the justice minister accused outside actors, including far‑right figures such as Tommy Robinson, of exploiting the protests for political gain. Fuel prices have surged dramatically: Irish diesel has risen from roughly €1.70 per litre to €2.17, and petrol from about €1.74 to €1.97. In Norway, despite a recent fuel‑tax cut on 1 April, diesel prices jumped 23.6 % from February to March, with overall fuel and lubricants up 17.9 %. Statistics Norway noted this as the steepest month‑on‑month increase on record, comparable only to the post‑Ukraine‑invasion spike of spring 2022. Irish Prime Minister Mícheál Martin warned that blockades of the Whitegate refinery and key depots in Galway and Foynes were pushing the country to the brink of turning away oil shipments. He called the situation “unconscionable and “illogical.” In response, Dublin unveiled a €250 million relief package that includes a temporary excise duty cut, an expanded diesel rebate for hauliers and bus operators, and an extended fuel allowance. Nevertheless, industry leaders remain skeptical about the measures’ ability to quell the unrest, and many protesters demand direct talks with ministers. Across the North Sea, Norwegian demonstrators—part of the “Dieselbrølet” (diesel roar) movement—marched a convoy of 70‑80 trucks toward the Storting. Their banners read “nok er nok!” (enough is enough). While only a few vehicles were permitted into Oslo, the show underscored hauliers’ demand for more predictable, lower fuel prices despite Norway’s status as an oil producer. Other nations have taken emergency steps: the Philippines declared a national energy emergency, and France authorized fuel tankers to operate on weekends and holidays until 11 May to stave off shortages. Back in Ireland, the blockade of the sole refinery and depots has left dozens of petrol stations empty, prompting a rush of motorists to fill up before supplies run out. Emergency services report slower response times, and the Irish Medical Organisation warns that delayed care could jeopardise patient health. Courier firm DPD has halted deliveries, and protesters have vowed to remain in Dublin for weeks, with spokesperson John Dallon stating, “If it takes a month, we are prepared to sit here.” The crisis has also forced the Irish Taoiseach to postpone a trade mission to Canada, highlighting the domestic political fallout of the fuel‑price turmoil.