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British Airways announced that, when it resumes operations in July, its Middle East timetable will be significantly scaled back, with a portion of the freed‑up fleet redirected to launch additional direct services to India and Kenya. The carrier has suspended all flights to the region following the outbreak of the Iran‑related war. It plans to restart flights to Riyadh in mid‑May and to reopen routes to Dubai, Doha and Tel Aviv on 1 July. However, the airline will reduce Dubai flights from three to one per day and cut the frequency to Doha, Tel Aviv and Riyadh from two daily services to a single flight each. In a permanent move, BA will drop Jeddah as a destination from 24 April. Service to Bahrain and Amman will remain on hold until 25 October, while flights to Larnaca, Cyprus are slated to return on 22 May. Speaking on the adjustments, BA said, “Given the ongoing situation in the Middle East, we have revised our schedule to give customers clearer options. We continue to monitor the situation closely and are in direct contact with affected passengers to provide alternatives.” Since the conflict began, the airline has facilitated the repatriation of thousands of travelers, operated humanitarian relief flights, and increased capacity on key long‑haul sectors. Looking ahead, BA will deploy larger aircraft on its Delhi route from 1 June and similarly upscale the Hyderabad service. The summer schedule will also see additional daily flights to Bengaluru and Nairobi through late October. Further expansion includes new flights to Delhi and Mumbai, a development first reported by the Financial Times, underscoring BA’s strategy to offset reduced Middle East capacity with growth in high‑demand Asian and African markets.

The UK government's spending on foreign aid has hit its lowest level in nearly two decades, with provisional data showing 0.43% of national income allocated to official development assistance (ODA) in 2025, down from 0.5% in 2024 and matching the level in 2008. The total ODA spend in 2025 was just over £13bn, an annual decrease of £1bn, or 7.4%. This decline has raised alarms among humanitarian experts, who warn that the cuts are having severe consequences, particularly for marginalized communities across Africa. Gideon Rabinowitz, director of policy and advocacy at Bond, emphasized that life-saving humanitarian programs, including education provision in Syria and healthcare programs across Africa, have already been forced to close. He warned that with even deeper cuts expected, the worst consequences are yet to be realized. The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) noted that a projected 9% to 17% drop of ODA among its members in 2025 would hit the poorest countries hardest. The UK's reduction in aid spending has been criticized by campaigners and aid organizers, who argue it will cause widespread damage and weaken the UK's influence overseas. In response, the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office stated that national security is the government's first duty and that the decision to reduce ODA spending to 0.3% of GNI by 2027 was necessary to fund an increase in defense spending. However, they emphasized that the UK remains committed to safeguarding standards and protecting women and girls.

Federal weather data reveal that March 2026 was the hottest March ever recorded across the continental United States in a 132‑year dataset, with average temperatures soaring to 50.85 °F (10.47 °C), a staggering 9.35 °F (5.19 °C) above the 20th‑century March norm. This anomaly eclipsed the previous record of an 8.9 °F excess set in March 2012, marking the most extreme departure from average temperatures for any month in U.S. history. The month’s daytime highs were equally extreme, averaging 11.4 °F above the long‑term benchmark—almost a degree hotter than the typical April high, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). Such extreme warmth is part of a broader trend: six of the ten most abnormal heat months have occurred within the last decade, and February 2026, at 6.57 °F above normal, ranked as the tenth most anomalous month on record. “The March heat wave was unprecedented across the United States,” noted Shel Winkley of Climate Central, emphasizing the sheer volume of records broken. In just two days (March 20‑21), roughly one‑third of the nation experienced temperatures that would have been virtually impossible without human‑induced climate change, according to Climate Central’s analysis. Data compiled by meteorologist Guy Walton shows that more than 19,800 daily temperature records were surpassed in March, and over 2,000 locations set new monthly heat records—a volume of record‑breaking events usually spread across entire decades. Jeff Masters of Yale Climate Connections warned that “climate change is kicking our butts,” adding that the January‑March period was the driest on record for the contiguous United States. The combination of extreme heat and historic dryness threatens water supplies, agriculture, river navigation, and overall ecosystem health. Looking ahead, both the European Copernicus climate service and NOAA project the formation of a “super” El Niño in the coming months, with the potential to amplify global temperatures into late 2026 and 2027. Meteorology professor Victor Gensini of Northern Illinois University cautioned that such an event could push the planet to new record‑high temperature thresholds.

Argentina's congress has approved a bill promoted by President Javier Milei that authorizes mining in ecologically sensitive areas of glaciers and permafrost, sparking widespread environmental protests. The bill, which was already approved by the senate in February, will make it easier to mine for metals such as copper, lithium, and silver in frozen parts of the Andes mountains.The chamber of deputies approved the amendment with 137 votes in favor, 111 against, and three abstentions after nearly 12 hours of debate. Environmentalists argue that the legislative changes will weaken protections for crucial water sources, with thousands protesting outside parliament, holding banners with slogans such as “Water is more precious than gold!” and “A glacier destroyed cannot be restored!”Seven Greenpeace activists were arrested earlier in the day after scaling a statue outside parliament and unfurling a banner urging lawmakers “not to betray the Argentine people”. The passage of the amendment is a new coup for Milei, who pushed through looser labor laws in February despite repeated street protests.Environmental activists, such as Flavia Broffoni, argue that there is no possibility of creating a 'sustainable mine' in a periglacial environment. Argentina has nearly 17,000 glaciers or rock glaciers, with glacial reserves in the north-west shrinking by 17% in the last decade due to climate change.Milei, a free-market radical who does not believe in human-made climate change, says the bill is necessary to attract large-scale mining projects. The Central Bank of Argentina estimates that the country could triple its mining exports by 2030. Supporters argue that the bill will provide legal certainty and clear definitions, while critics, such as Enrique Viale, warn that it threatens the water supply for 70% of Argentinians.

As rising temperatures push snakes and humans into closer contact, the world faces an estimated 5.5 million snakebites each year, resulting in 138,000 deaths and 400,000 lasting disabilities. In response, a Wisconsin‑based amateur scientist has taken an extreme route to help solve the crisis.For almost 20 years, Tim Friede, a former window cleaner, allowed some of the planet’s most lethal snakes to bite him, accumulating over 200 intentional bites. His goal: to provoke his own immune system into producing antibodies that could be harvested for a near‑universal antivenom.The endeavor has been perilous. Friede survived a coma after being bitten by two cobras within an hour, endured anaphylactic shocks, lost tissue in a finger, and even had to cut necrotic muscle from his leg. Yet he persisted, eventually becoming immune to the inland taipan—the world’s most venomous snake, whose single bite can kill more than 100 people.In 2019, California biotech firm Centivax hired Friede to extract his antibodies. Early laboratory work showed that his serum can neutralise toxins from 19 elapid species, including cobras, mambas, taipans, coral snakes and kraits—roughly half of all venomous snakes worldwide.The next step is a veterinary trial in Australia, slated for later this year, before any human application. If successful, the antivenom could dramatically reduce the burden of snakebite in low‑income regions across Asia and Africa, where most victims live.Climate scientists warn that warming climates will expand snake habitats and increase human exposure, as illustrated by the recent surge of rattlesnake bites in California’s Ventura County. This amplifies the urgency for scalable, affordable antivenoms, especially as international aid budgets face cuts and manufacturing capacity remains insufficient.Friede’s unconventional path underscores a broader lesson: confronting emerging health threats may require bold, unconventional science, but the potential payoff—a life‑saving treatment for millions—could be transformative.

Korean fried chicken, also known as yangnyeom chicken, has become a global phenomenon, with a presence in over 60 countries and more than 1,800 stores worldwide.The dish, which originated in South Korea, was introduced by American soldiers after the Korean War. However, it wasn't until the 1980s that a Korean chicken shop owner, Yoon Jong-gye, developed a sweet and spicy recipe that made it distinctly Korean.The cultural breakthrough for Korean fried chicken came in 2014 with the Korean drama My Love from the Star, which became a sensation in China and triggered a surge in popularity for Korean chicken restaurants.Today, Korean fried chicken is the most popular Korean food among international consumers, according to a South Korean government survey. The dish has become a staple in many countries, with chimaek, the portmanteau meaning 'fried chicken and beer,' entering the Oxford English Dictionary.The success of Korean fried chicken can be attributed to its simplicity, technique, and adaptability. Korean chicken brands have expanded internationally, with many offering a range of recipes tailored to local tastes.At the heart of Korean fried chicken's success is its unique cooking technique, which involves double-frying the chicken to achieve extra crispiness. The batter, typically made with potato or corn starch, holds up well under the sauce, allowing it to stay crisp even after being boxed up for delivery.Prof Joo Young-ha, a cultural anthropologist, argues that Korean chicken's global success stems from its simplicity and universal appeal. 'Unlike pork, chicken crosses religious prohibition boundaries,' he says. 'And unlike kimchi, which is treated like a side dish, or bibimbap, which isn't immediately obvious as a dish, fried chicken is immediately recognizable as a meal.'

On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom’s electorate shifted from party‑centric voting to a binary choice between staying in or leaving the European Union. A decade later, about 60 % of the population still define themselves by the side they chose in that single referendum, turning a one‑off political decision into a lasting personal identity.While analysts often focus on the policy fallout—economic turbulence, party infighting, and shifting trade relations—the real impact runs deeper. The referendum ignited a civil‑war‑like split that continues to shape elections, media narratives, and everyday conversations across the country.Before the global upheavals of the George Floyd protests and the Covid‑19 vaccine rollout, Brexit was Britain’s most potent form of identity politics. It spawned new media outlets, such as GB News, and programmes like The Rest Is Politics, while also marginalising older cultural tropes like the “centrist dad” or “gammon” heckler on Question Time. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Zack Polanski now occupy the political fringe rather than the mainstream.The analysis draws on the new book Tribal Politics: How Brexit Divided Britain by political scientists Sara Hobolt and James Tilley. Their longitudinal surveys reveal a simple yet striking pattern: the referendum transformed a previously lukewarm public attitude toward the EU into a powerful, identity‑based habit.Prior to 2016, most Britons held only a mild Euroscepticism and gave the EU little thought. Even former Prime Minister David Cameron tried to silence the issue in 2006, believing it failed to engage voters. The sudden elevation of a niche concern to a national obsession forced ordinary citizens to pick a side, discuss it in pubs, and embed it into their self‑image—a process James Clear describes as building “identity‑based habits”.Data from Hobolt and Tilley show that emotional attachment to the Brexit identity was modest before the vote, rose sharply as the referendum approached, and surged dramatically after the result was announced. The post‑vote period saw a flood of EU‑themed merchandise, street rallies, and even flag‑clashes at cultural events such as the 2017 Last Night of the Proms.Crucially, the tribal divide has not faded. By 2025, only around 40 % of “Leavers” feel comfortable discussing politics with “Remainers”, and the sentiment is reciprocated. This goes beyond mere disagreement; it reflects a level of social discrimination where individuals on opposite sides would hesitate to share a home or marry into each other’s families.The authors note that the split now extends to perceptions of reality itself. Even in 2024, Remainers and Leavers disagreed on basic economic indicators, illustrating how the referendum reshaped not just policy preferences but fundamental worldviews.Class‑based voting, which dominated the 20th‑century British political landscape, has been largely supplanted by this new cultural cleavage. A previous study co‑authored by Tilley showed that the Labour Party’s turn toward the political centre in the 1990s eroded traditional working‑class loyalty. Today, leader Keir Starmer’s working‑class credentials appear largely symbolic, offering little substantive change.With class politics receded, culture wars have taken centre stage. The Brexit campaign’s vague promises about trade left the nation with a protracted, messy adjustment period. Immigration, famously dubbed the “baseball bat” issue by Dominic Cummings, remains the most polarising policy divide, followed by foreign aid and even the death penalty.Hobolt and Tilley’s most striking chart shows that while Remainers and Leavers clash over immigration, they share little disagreement on economic equality, workers’ rights, or public ownership—issues that directly affect household incomes. This suggests that the political battle is driven more by symbolic identity than by material concerns, benefitting those already financially secure.In sum, the United Kingdom’s post‑Brexit reality is one of entrenched tribalism, where a single referendum has reshaped social bonds, political discourse, and perceptions of truth itself. The nation continues to grapple with the legacy of a vote that turned a policy decision into a lasting cultural fault line.

Jon McClure, the Sheffield‑born frontman of Reverend and the Makers, has taken a seat on the board of Sheffield FC – the world’s oldest football club – after joining a new minority‑ownership group with David Bianchi. The move marks the first time the musician has taken on a formal role in a football institution.McClure, a lifelong Wednesday supporter, first approached the club eight years ago but felt he wasn’t yet “in a mature enough position” to steward a cultural landmark. Since last month he has been actively reviewing the club’s operations and seeking ways to modernise a team that currently competes in the ninth tier of English football.The appointment comes as Sheffield FC enjoys a surge in interest, having recorded a club‑record league attendance of 1,172 spectators for a recent defeat to Tadcaster. The side will host the same opponents again in a Northern Counties East League playoff semi‑final after finishing third in the division.Unlike the high‑profile takeovers at Dagenham & Redbridge or Wrexham, McClure insists his approach will be “more considered”. He acknowledges the club’s history of “years of dysfunction” and warns against “putting rocket boosters on a three‑wheeler”, emphasizing a need for steady stabilisation before growth.Founded in 1857, Sheffield FC’s claim to fame is its role in codifying the modern game – a narrative McClure says is “still under‑told”. The club boasts the first football kit, the first recorded derby and a unique FIFA order of merit shared only with Real Madrid, offering “global IP opportunities”, according to the chair.To translate heritage into footfall, McClure has introduced free entry for children, hoping to lift typical matchday crowds from 300‑400 to larger numbers. He also highlights a logistical hurdle: the club’s “Home of Football” ground sits in Dronfield, Derbyshire, outside Sheffield’s city limits, prompting a long‑term ambition to relocate to a multi‑purpose venue in the city centre.McClure’s celebrity connections are already bearing fruit. He invited Sheffield music legend Richard Hawley to a recent fixture and maintains a friendly rapport with Sheffield United manager Chris Wilder, despite the historic rivalry between the city’s clubs.In a nod to modern digital culture, McClure’s brother Chris created the viral persona “Steve Bracknall”, the fictional assistant manager of the Royal Oak. When the Royal Oak played a real match at Sheffield FC, the event drew over 2,000 fans on the ground and half a million online viewers, including Robbie Williams, branding it “the biggest game in Sunday league history”.Looking ahead, McClure is keen to expand the club’s junior and women’s programmes, envisioning an “1857 Academy” that could scale globally if built on the right foundations. While a leap to the Northern Premier League is the realistic target, the broader goal is to cement Sheffield FC as a thriving community hub that honors its status as the birthplace of football.

Europe is undergoing a significant transformation in its relationship with the US, marked by a growing desire for independence and a shift away from Trump's aggressive policies. The recent crisis in the Middle East, where Trump's threat to annihilate Iranian civilisation was temporarily called off, has been a turning point in this journey. Initially, many European leaders had tacitly supported the US and Israeli attack on Iran, driven by a desire for a transatlantic detente and antipathy towards the Iranian regime. However, as the war escalated, Europe's stance began to shift, with countries like Italy, Poland, and France taking steps to distance themselves from Trump's policies. The cooling of European support for the war has taken various forms, including Italy denying US warplanes permission to use an airbase in Sicily, Poland refusing to send Patriot air defence systems to the Middle East, and France rejecting overflight rights and opposing a US-sponsored resolution at the UN security council. This shift in European policy is driven by a number of factors, including the realisation that the war has been a windfall for Russia, through higher oil prices and a depletion of air defence interceptors available to Ukraine. European leaders have also been reminded that the erosion of international law is bad news for the world, Europe included. As Europe finds its footing in distancing itself from Trump, it may also find its voice. Europe's diplomatic role in the Iranian nuclear file in the early 2000s grew out of its opposition to the Iraq war. Today, the same dynamic could unfold, with Europe promoting a permanent end of hostilities and a multilateral initiative in the region. The proposal by a group of European, Gulf, and Asian countries to contribute to ensuring safe passage through the strait of Hormuz was originally aimed at placating Trump. Europeans then backed a UN-led fertiliser corridor to prevent a food crisis in the global south. The UK is also leading a coalition of more than 40 countries seeking to reopen the strait once the US and Israel definitively end their offensive. If a sustainable reopening of Hormuz succeeds, it could eventually extend to a new nuclear agreement, a non-aggression pact between the US and Iran, and a similar one between Israel and Iran – including Lebanon. It could involve the release of Iranian funds frozen abroad to rebuild infrastructure destroyed by US and Israeli attacks, and the selective lifting of EU and US sanctions.