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A British warship together with a Royal Air Force P‑8 maritime patrol aircraft monitored three Russian submarines that were trying to survey key undersea infrastructure in the North Atlantic, the defence secretary John Healey said at a Downing Street briefing.Healey explained that the operation, which lasted **over a month**, took place not within UK territorial waters but in the country's exclusive economic zone – the area extending up to 200 nautical miles from the coastline and bordering neighbouring zones.The Russian vessels comprised an Akula‑class nuclear‑powered submarine and two deep‑sea research submarines from the GUGI directorate, a unit that normally conducts peacetime surveys of underwater infrastructure but possesses the capability to damage it in conflict.According to the minister, the British forces tracked and deterred any malign activity around the submarines 24/7, deploying regular sonar buoys to demonstrate continuous monitoring. The presence of the Royal Navy ship and the P‑8 aircraft, supported by NATO allies, left the Russian crews with “no doubt that they were being watched”.As a result, the Akula submarine “retreated home” and the two GUGI subs subsequently exited the UK’s maritime zone, heading northward. The operation involved **about 500 UK personnel**.Healey stressed that there was **no evidence of damage** to any pipelines or cables, but that UK forces and allies would verify the integrity of the infrastructure. He warned President Putin that any attempt to sabotage the network would “not be tolerated and will have serious consequences”.The defence secretary framed the incident as proof that Moscow is “the primary threat to the UK and to NATO”, underscoring the need for heightened vigilance over undersea assets amid the broader security fallout from the Ukraine war and recent tensions in the Middle East.He also linked the episode to broader defence policy, stating that the successful deterrence demonstrates the UK’s ability to detect, deter and, if necessary, respond to threats against its critical maritime infrastructure, while calling for continued investment in defence capabilities.

Korean fried chicken, also known as yangnyeom chicken, has become a global phenomenon, with a presence in over 60 countries and more than 1,800 stores worldwide.The dish, which originated in South Korea, was introduced by American soldiers after the Korean War. However, it wasn't until the 1980s that a Korean chicken shop owner, Yoon Jong-gye, developed a sweet and spicy recipe that made it distinctly Korean.The cultural breakthrough for Korean fried chicken came in 2014 with the Korean drama My Love from the Star, which became a sensation in China and triggered a surge in popularity for Korean chicken restaurants.Today, Korean fried chicken is the most popular Korean food among international consumers, according to a South Korean government survey. The dish has become a staple in many countries, with chimaek, the portmanteau meaning 'fried chicken and beer,' entering the Oxford English Dictionary.The success of Korean fried chicken can be attributed to its simplicity, technique, and adaptability. Korean chicken brands have expanded internationally, with many offering a range of recipes tailored to local tastes.At the heart of Korean fried chicken's success is its unique cooking technique, which involves double-frying the chicken to achieve extra crispiness. The batter, typically made with potato or corn starch, holds up well under the sauce, allowing it to stay crisp even after being boxed up for delivery.Prof Joo Young-ha, a cultural anthropologist, argues that Korean chicken's global success stems from its simplicity and universal appeal. 'Unlike pork, chicken crosses religious prohibition boundaries,' he says. 'And unlike kimchi, which is treated like a side dish, or bibimbap, which isn't immediately obvious as a dish, fried chicken is immediately recognizable as a meal.'

On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom’s electorate shifted from party‑centric voting to a binary choice between staying in or leaving the European Union. A decade later, about 60 % of the population still define themselves by the side they chose in that single referendum, turning a one‑off political decision into a lasting personal identity.While analysts often focus on the policy fallout—economic turbulence, party infighting, and shifting trade relations—the real impact runs deeper. The referendum ignited a civil‑war‑like split that continues to shape elections, media narratives, and everyday conversations across the country.Before the global upheavals of the George Floyd protests and the Covid‑19 vaccine rollout, Brexit was Britain’s most potent form of identity politics. It spawned new media outlets, such as GB News, and programmes like The Rest Is Politics, while also marginalising older cultural tropes like the “centrist dad” or “gammon” heckler on Question Time. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Zack Polanski now occupy the political fringe rather than the mainstream.The analysis draws on the new book Tribal Politics: How Brexit Divided Britain by political scientists Sara Hobolt and James Tilley. Their longitudinal surveys reveal a simple yet striking pattern: the referendum transformed a previously lukewarm public attitude toward the EU into a powerful, identity‑based habit.Prior to 2016, most Britons held only a mild Euroscepticism and gave the EU little thought. Even former Prime Minister David Cameron tried to silence the issue in 2006, believing it failed to engage voters. The sudden elevation of a niche concern to a national obsession forced ordinary citizens to pick a side, discuss it in pubs, and embed it into their self‑image—a process James Clear describes as building “identity‑based habits”.Data from Hobolt and Tilley show that emotional attachment to the Brexit identity was modest before the vote, rose sharply as the referendum approached, and surged dramatically after the result was announced. The post‑vote period saw a flood of EU‑themed merchandise, street rallies, and even flag‑clashes at cultural events such as the 2017 Last Night of the Proms.Crucially, the tribal divide has not faded. By 2025, only around 40 % of “Leavers” feel comfortable discussing politics with “Remainers”, and the sentiment is reciprocated. This goes beyond mere disagreement; it reflects a level of social discrimination where individuals on opposite sides would hesitate to share a home or marry into each other’s families.The authors note that the split now extends to perceptions of reality itself. Even in 2024, Remainers and Leavers disagreed on basic economic indicators, illustrating how the referendum reshaped not just policy preferences but fundamental worldviews.Class‑based voting, which dominated the 20th‑century British political landscape, has been largely supplanted by this new cultural cleavage. A previous study co‑authored by Tilley showed that the Labour Party’s turn toward the political centre in the 1990s eroded traditional working‑class loyalty. Today, leader Keir Starmer’s working‑class credentials appear largely symbolic, offering little substantive change.With class politics receded, culture wars have taken centre stage. The Brexit campaign’s vague promises about trade left the nation with a protracted, messy adjustment period. Immigration, famously dubbed the “baseball bat” issue by Dominic Cummings, remains the most polarising policy divide, followed by foreign aid and even the death penalty.Hobolt and Tilley’s most striking chart shows that while Remainers and Leavers clash over immigration, they share little disagreement on economic equality, workers’ rights, or public ownership—issues that directly affect household incomes. This suggests that the political battle is driven more by symbolic identity than by material concerns, benefitting those already financially secure.In sum, the United Kingdom’s post‑Brexit reality is one of entrenched tribalism, where a single referendum has reshaped social bonds, political discourse, and perceptions of truth itself. The nation continues to grapple with the legacy of a vote that turned a policy decision into a lasting cultural fault line.

President Donald Trump warned on Tuesday that a U.S. attack on Iran could cause "a whole civilization to die tonight," a statement that sparked immediate backlash from climate icon Greta Thunberg. The Swedish activist, known for her outspoken stance on climate change and the Gaza crisis, described the president’s remarks as a normalization of genocide and urged the public to reject such rhetoric. In an Instagram video posted shortly before a cease‑fire was announced, Thunberg lamented the "muted" reaction to the threat, asking, "What the f*** is anyone even doing at this point?" She emphasized that the world has become accustomed to "total annihilation of entire peoples" and the "systematic destruction of the biosphere," urging viewers to demand an end to these narratives. Poll data reveal a stark generational split on the war. A Pew Research Center survey released Tuesday showed that while 67 % of Republicans aged 65+ believe the conflict will curb Iran’s nuclear ambitions, only 25 % of Republicans aged 18‑29 share that view. When asked about the war’s impact on Iranians, just 7 % of older Republican voters said they would be worse off, compared with nearly 28 % of younger voters. Among Democrats, the age gap is less pronounced but still significant: 60 % of young Democratic respondents (18‑29) think the war will harm Iranians, versus 48 % of those over 65. Similar patterns emerge in other surveys. Emerson College found that 75 % of respondents under 50 fear a new world war within four years, compared with 54 % of those over 50. A Politico poll of self‑identified “MAGA Republicans” showed that only 49 % of those under 35 believe Trump has a concrete plan for the Iran conflict, versus 70 % of older supporters. These findings echo a broader historical trend: younger Americans, many of whom grew up in the shadow of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, display a more isolationist outlook. A December 2025 Pew poll indicated that only 39 % of 18‑29‑year‑olds consider active U.S. involvement in global affairs important, compared with 73 % of seniors. The generational divide also extends to attitudes toward Israel. The same Tuesday poll reported that 84 % of young Democrats and 57 % of young Republicans hold an unfavorable view of Israel, whereas older respondents are considerably less critical. Thunberg’s criticism of Trump aligns with her longstanding activism on Middle‑East issues. Last year she joined a humanitarian flotilla bound for Gaza, only to be detained and deported by Israeli forces. Her latest condemnation underscores a growing sentiment among Gen Z that calls for accountability and an end to war‑like rhetoric. In summary, the controversy surrounding Trump’s Iran threat has amplified existing generational tensions in the United States, with younger citizens increasingly questioning the efficacy and morality of U.S. military interventions while demanding a shift away from language that normalizes mass violence.

Donald Trump's decision to accept a two-week ceasefire in Iran has created a stir within his Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement, with some supporters expressing mixed reactions to the development. While some have defended the president's decision, others have accused him of betrayal and capitulation.The ceasefire, which was agreed upon after more than a month of war, has been hailed as a victory by both the US and Iran. However, critics argue that the agreement has failed to achieve its objectives, with Iran's regime still intact and its nuclear facilities persisting. The strait of Hormuz remains closed, and fighting continues in Lebanon.Dinesh D'Souza, a right-wing commentator, defended Trump on social media, stating that the president had outsmarted his critics and proved himself to be the adult in the room. Similarly, Matt Schlapp, chairman of the American Conservative Union, expressed confidence in Trump's decision-making, citing his real, actionable intelligence.However, not all supporters are convinced. Matthew Feinberg, a self-described 'MAGA Jew', expressed disappointment, stating that the ceasefire allows the IRGC to regroup and rearm. Laura Loomer, an activist and Islamophobe, also criticized the outcome, saying that the negotiation didn't yield any significant benefits for the US.The Pew Research survey found that, among Republicans, there had been an 18-point decline in confidence in Trump's policymaking about Iran since 2024. Despite this, Republicans aged 65 and older remain overwhelmingly confident in Trump's ability to make good decisions on Iran.

Retail workers in the UK are demanding more robust security measures in stores after a Waitrose employee was sacked for tackling a shoplifter. The incident has highlighted the growing concern over retail crime and the need for enhanced security protocols to protect workers.The employee, Walker Smith, was fired two days after stopping a shoplifter from taking items from an Easter egg display, including Lindt chocolate bunnies. Waitrose has faced criticism for its handling of the situation, with the company stating that it prioritizes employee safety and will not put anyone's life at risk.Joanne Thomas, general secretary of Usdaw, the shop workers' union, emphasized the importance of a physical security presence in stores. According to Usdaw's 2025 annual survey, 59% of members would welcome more security in stores because security guards provide reassurance, act as a deterrent, and have specialist experience to deal with incidents.Richard Walker, chief executive of Iceland, suggested that shop workers need more tools, including AI and potentially batons, to deter thieves. He noted that facial recognition technology is being used in some stores but its effectiveness is limited due to concerns over human rights.The incident has also sparked calls for security guards to be allowed to wear stab-proof vests while on shift. Daniel Garnham, general secretary of the Security Industry Federation, said that assaults on workers are getting worse and becoming an everyday occurrence.Lucy Whing, crime policy lead at the British Retail Consortium, stated that retailers have invested £5bn over the past five years on crime prevention measures, including increased security personnel, body-worn cameras, and anti-theft devices.

The Black Death, which occurred between 1346 and 1353, was a pandemic that killed an estimated 100 million people, making it the most lethal natural disaster in human history. Historian Thomas Asbridge argues that the plague was more global than previously thought, affecting not just Europe but also the medieval world, including Sicily, Egypt, Syria, Spain, Sweden, and Russia.In his book, 'The Black Death: A Global History', Asbridge explores the social and economic impact of the pandemic, including the rise of antisemitism and the blaming of Jews for the plague, which led to massacres and persecution. He also examines the long-term consequences of the pandemic, including the end of serfdom and the weakening of the Byzantine Empire.Asbridge's work is based on a thorough analysis of contemporary chronicles and bureaucratic records, which provide a vivid picture of life during the pandemic. He also highlights the resilience of society during this time, with most people continuing to work and care for their loved ones, even in the face of overwhelming death and destruction.The book is a magisterial survey of the Black Death, offering a comprehensive and engaging history of one of the most significant events in human history. Asbridge's work is a timely reminder of the ongoing threat of pandemics and the importance of understanding their impact on human society.

Bill Ackman's Pershing Square has unveiled a €55.75 bn cash‑and‑shares bid to acquire Universal Music Group (UMG), valuing the label at €30.40 per share – a 78% premium over the previous close of €17.10. The proposal translates to roughly $64.31 bn, positioning it as one of the largest recent takeovers in the entertainment sector. The offer is tied to a strategic plan to relocate UMG’s primary listing from Amsterdam to New York. A U.S. listing would broaden the investor base, potentially attracting index funds and enhancing liquidity, which Ackman argues could lift earnings and drive a higher market valuation. In a letter to UMG’s board, Ackman praised chairman‑CEO Lucian Grainge while criticizing what he described as an “underutilized balance sheet” and the company’s €2.7 bn investment in Spotify Technology. He suggested that a refreshed governance structure – including former Hollywood super‑agent Michael Ovitz as board chair and two Pershing Square directors – would better position the label for future growth. Market reaction was immediate: UMG shares jumped 13% on the news, while Bollore Group’s stock rose 5% and Vivendi’s shares climbed over 10%. Pershing Square currently holds a 4.7% stake in UMG, making it the fourth‑largest shareholder. Key shareholders whose support is essential include Bollore Group (18.5% stake), Vivendi (13.4%), and China’s Tencent. Notably, the Bollore family controls about 80% of UMG’s voting rights, giving it decisive influence over any transaction. Industry analysts point to several headwinds that have pressured UMG’s share price, which has fallen nearly one‑third since its 2021 IPO. Streaming growth is decelerating, and concerns about AI‑generated music – from copyright disputes to fully synthetic songs – are reshaping the competitive landscape. A recent survey found that 97% of listeners can differentiate between AI‑created tracks and human‑composed music. Despite these challenges, global music revenues continue to rise year over year, prompting major labels such as Sony and Warner Music to double‑down on streaming partnerships with platforms like Spotify, Amazon, Apple and Deezer. Under the proposed structure, Pershing’s SPARC Holdings would merge with UMG, creating a Nevada‑incorporated entity listed on the New York Stock Exchange. If approved, the deal could set a precedent for how legacy entertainment firms adapt to evolving technology and investor expectations.

U.S. Vice President JD Vance touched down in Budapest on Tuesday for a two‑day series of bilateral meetings, a move the White House billed as a show of support for Prime Minister Viktor Orban ahead of Hungary’s April 12 parliamentary election. Orban’s Fidesz Party faces its toughest test in more than a decade, with recent polls indicating the opposition enjoys an 8‑12 percentage‑point advantage, and some surveys showing a lead as high as 20 points. Princeton sociologist Kim Lane Scheppele warned that Vance’s visit, while symbolically important, is unlikely to significantly alter the electoral math. “One visit by a relatively low‑profile American vice president is not going to change that,” she said. Nevertheless, the trip underscores the close ties between the Trump administration and Orban. Former President Donald Trump endorsed Orban in February, and Secretary of State Marco Rubio visited Hungary that same month, signaling U.S. backing for the right‑wing leader. Orban’s 16‑year rule has been marked by the erosion of judicial independence and media freedom, reforms that critics argue tilt the electoral system in Fidesz’s favour. Yet the opposition, led by 45‑year‑old former Fidesz insider Peter Magyar of the Tisza Party, is rallying around anti‑corruption and economic grievances. Magyar’s campaign promises a more constructive relationship with the European Union, hoping to restore billions of euros in funding suspended in 2022 over democratic backsliding. He positions himself as centre‑right, sharing many of Orban’s policy stances but rejecting the incumbent’s alleged corruption. “Magyar is centre‑right; he’s basically a believer in much of what Orban has done, minus the corruption,” Scheppele noted, adding that his eurosceptic leanings could still facilitate the return of EU money. The Hungarian‑U.S. connection extends beyond politics to financial incentives. Scheppele highlighted that Trump has hinted—though not formally promised—a fiscal safety net for Orban if he wins, reminiscent of U.S. aid pledges made to right‑wing allies in Argentina’s 2025 elections. “If Vance makes that kind of announcement, it could be a real game‑changer,” she warned, suggesting that a concrete U.S. financial commitment could bolster Orban’s standing in the final days of the campaign. Orban’s appeal to the U.S. far right has been evident since Hungary hosted the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) in 2024, where Trump lauded him as a defender of “Western civilisation.” The personal rapport between Orban’s political director and Vance—evident in a 2024 photo captioned ‘A Trump‑Vance administration sounds just right’—further cements this transatlantic alliance. As the election approaches, the key question remains whether symbolic diplomatic support or a tangible financial pledge will prove decisive in a race where domestic issues—corruption, social services, and economic stagnation— dominate voter concerns.