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At Augusta National, Justin Rose’s name appears twice on the bronze winner’s list beside the victories of Sergio García (2017) and Rory McIlroy (2025) – both wins coming after playoffs that Rose lost. Only Ben Hogan shares the dubious distinction of losing two Masters playoffs, though Hogan later won the tournament twice outright.Rose’s record also includes a second‑place finish in 2015, four strokes behind Jordan Spieth. The only player with more runner‑up finishes without ever winning is Tom Weiskopf, who was second four times in seven years.Now 45 years old and entering his 21st Masters, Rose cannot predict if he will ever get as close again as he did last year, when McIlroy’s birdie putt on the 18th sealed a one‑stroke playoff defeat.“When you realise you’re that close, you can taste the victory,” Rose says. “I lived it as if I’d won, but without the real positive emotion – I sensed everything.” He acknowledges the mental rehearsal of the “what‑if” scenario while maintaining that he “did everything he could” and can live with the result.Rose explains his mental formula: “You can’t make a major win too important in the moment,” because a career inevitably includes “a little bit of heart‑ache and heartbreak.” He believes that to win, a player must also be prepared to be on the losing side.Despite the setbacks, Rose feels he has already demonstrated the necessary skill set. “I’ve pretty much done what it takes to win. I just haven’t walked over the line,” he asserts, emphasizing that he does not feel the need to change his approach.Recent form offers optimism. Earlier this year Rose set a new course record at Torrey Pines and became the first player in 71 years to win the Farmers Insurance Open wire‑to‑wire. He notes that eight players have captured the Masters after finishing second the previous year, suggesting his odds improve when the field is considered.Rose is also mindful of external narratives. “People are wishing me well and thinking it’s my year,” he admits, adding that he must manage expectations and craft his own story rather than buying into others’ predictions.

Raiders of the Lost Ark (1981) continues to serve as a cinematic comfort food, delivering a relentless parade of perils—jungle treks, venomous creatures, double‑crossing allies, and larger‑than‑life set‑pieces—while never losing its playful spirit.The film’s charm lies not only in its nonstop thrills but also in a deep‑seated nostalgic longing for an imagined era when “the good guys always won.” Its creators—George Lucas, co‑writer Philip Kaufman, and director Steven Spielberg—crafted an homage to the 1930‑ and 1940‑year‑old serial B‑movies they grew up watching, such as Buck Rogers and Zorro’s Fighting Legion. Those serials, broken into bite‑size chapters before the main feature, taught a formula of relentless action that Raiders replicates with modern polish.Beyond childhood reminiscence, the film offered early‑1980s America a respite from the lingering shadows of the Vietnam War and Watergate. By resurrecting the mythic Greatest Generation—who triumphed over the Great Depression and World War II—the movie positioned its hero, Harrison Ford’s Indiana Jones, as a symbol of moral clarity in a time of “great moral obscurity,” marked by political turmoil, economic recessions, and the so‑called “war on terror.”For many viewers, the experience of watching Raiders on weekend television added another layer of comfort. The film’s frequent rotation on cable and syndication turned it into a ritual: a lazy Sunday, a remote‑controlled channel‑surf, and the inevitable arrival of Indy battling Nazis or escaping deadly traps. That sense of surrendering control to the “all‑knowing cable programming gods” amplified the film’s soothing effect.Ultimately, the story’s resolution—where a divine‑like intervention saves Indy and Marion—mirrors the audience’s desire for reassurance that, no matter how chaotic the world, a protective force is watching over us.Available for streaming on Paramount+ (US), Now TV (UK), and Disney+ (Australia).

As the final minutes ticked away at St Mary’s Stadium on Saturday, even the stray yellow balloons seemed to mock Arsenal’s faltering performance.Despite a season that once promised an unprecedented English quadruple, the Gunners have now suffered six consecutive losses, including a Carabao Cup final defeat and an FA Cup exit at Southampton. The double blow has turned a potential historic haul into a looming “quad‑lapse”.Two weeks later, a home loss to Bournemouth followed by a defeat at Manchester City’s Etihad has erased the nine‑point cushion Arsenal once enjoyed at the top of the league. With only 16 games left in the campaign, the club teeters between a title challenge and a mid‑season collapse.Arturial optimism remains, however. The manager’s emphasis on a cohesive, system‑based approach still gives Arsenal a realistic shot at the Premier League crown, even if the broader quadruple dream appears increasingly distant.What makes this season noteworthy is the sheer difficulty of competing on multiple fronts without the financial firepower of a “galactico” squad. Arsenal’s progress underscores that building a balanced, strategically disciplined team can still challenge the traditional spend‑and‑win model.Yet the narrative surrounding Arsenal’s struggles is amplified by the cultural appetite for drama. In today’s social‑media‑driven landscape, each stumble is dissected in slow‑motion, feeding a collective schadenfreude that often eclipses genuine appreciation for the club’s achievements.Arteta’s weekly press conferences have become iconic, his frustration palpable as he urges his side to “win the Champions League because we’ve thrown it away”. This raw emotion, amplified across platforms, reflects both the pressure on the manager and the public’s fascination with the club’s roller‑coaster journey.From a tactical standpoint, Arsenal’s current dilemma lies in a lack of creativity when opponents neutralise their prescribed patterns. Despite leading the league, the team ranks fourth in chances created from open play after 31 matches, and the figure has slipped further in recent weeks.Key attacking statistics highlight the problem: Gabriel Martinelli has not scored in the Premier League since September 2025; Noni Madueke has one league goal since January; Gabriel Jesus, Declan Rice, Leandro Trossard, Martin Ødegaard, and Kai Havertz are all goalless; and Bukayo Saka has managed only three league goals since November. These numbers illustrate a broader creative entropy that hampers Arsenal’s ability to break down well‑organised defenses.The team’s attacking blueprint—characterised by lateral passing, pre‑programmed overloads and a reliance on set patterns—has become predictable. Without the dynamism of players like Saka or the emerging spark of 16‑year‑old Eze, Arsenal lack the spontaneity needed to unlock stubborn opponents.Comparisons with Pep Guardiola’s Manchester City are inevitable. While Guardiola’s philosophy also hinges on possession and positional control, his side integrates moments of individual flair and improvisation, a balance Arsenal’s current iteration seems to miss. Critics have dubbed Arteta’s approach a “ChatGPT‑style Guardiola‑ism”: technically flawless yet devoid of the human edge that makes football unpredictable.Nevertheless, the squad’s underlying talent and the progress made this season should not be dismissed. If Arteta can re‑inject creativity and adapt his system to the evolving challenges, Arsenal remain well‑placed to contest the league title, even as rivals like City continue to demonstrate both brilliance and vulnerability.

The Sydney Kings secured their sixth NBL championship after a dramatic 113‑101 overtime victory over the Adelaide 36ers in the decisive fifth game of the series.In front of a record‑breaking crowd of 18,589 spectators at the Sydney venue on Easter Sunday, Kings guard Kendric Davis delivered a stellar performance, tallying 35 points and 14 assists, which earned him the series MVP honor.Adelaide’s star guard Bryce Cotton matched Davis with 35 points, fueling a fierce duel that defined the series and kept the 36ers within striking distance until the final minutes.The 36ers entered the last quarter of regulation holding a seven‑point lead and appeared poised to capture their first title since 2002. However, Davis sank a crucial basket with 30 seconds left, and Tim Soares’s tip‑in forced a 95‑95 tie with six seconds remaining, sending the game into overtime.During the extra period, Davis set the tone by stealing the ball early and adding seven more points, while 36ers forward Nick Rakocevic fouled out after a contested play. The Kings built a decisive 13‑point advantage, highlighted by Makuach Maluach’s emphatic dunk in the final minute.The triumph also marks the first championship for the Kings since legendary coach Brian Goorjian returned to revitalize the club last season, fulfilling expectations after a season highlighted by a record‑breaking 44‑point Game 1 win.For Adelaide, the loss ends a heart‑breaking campaign that saw the 36ers rally from a heavy Game 1 defeat to level the series twice, only to fall short of ending their 24‑year title drought.

As the 2026 local and regional elections draw nearer, the spectre of Trussonomics looms large over the British political landscape. From the Conservatives to the Greens, parties are unveiling extravagant fiscal promises that they claim can be funded by cuts elsewhere or additional borrowing, while insisting the broader economy will remain unharmed. Critics warn that any adverse effects will inevitably be shifted onto people and businesses outside the parties' core constituencies, effectively socialising the risk. Only Keir Starmer and his Labour cabinet appear to resist the pressure to re‑engineer the economy without acknowledging inevitable spill‑overs or extra costs. Former Prime Minister Liz Truss famously pledged £45 bn of tax cuts, financed through extra borrowing and so‑called welfare “efficiencies”. The plan was pitched as a catalyst for an entrepreneurial surge that would lift the UK out of a prolonged period of low productivity. Heading into May’s local polls, the Conservatives are touting a new “big‑spending” agenda after recent welfare cuts, highlighted by a headline pledge to shrink the welfare bill by £23 bn. Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride declared that the “culture of ‘something for nothing’ must end, now”. Green Party leader Zack Polanski has softened some of his party’s more radical proposals, yet the manifesto remains vague. Earlier drafts featured a litany of “free lunches”, signalling an ambition to raise taxes by **more than £170 bn a year** by the end of the next parliament. Key components of the Green plan include a £90 bn annual carbon tax and a matching increase in day‑to‑day public spending, alongside a proposed £90 bn boost to the capital‑spending budget (raising it from £160 bn to £250 bn per year). Reform UK has embraced Trussonomics with gusto, promising to raise the income‑tax threshold from £12,570 to £20,000 – a move that would cost the exchequer **over £40 bn each year**. Underlying many of these pledges is a belief that the UK can reverse a century of economic decline with a “magician’s wand”, ignoring potential repercussions for financial markets, trading partners, and a rapidly disintegrating global order. While the article briefly references the United States and France, the French electorate’s recent rejection of similarly flamboyant policies in local elections serves as a cautionary tale: voters in key cities like Paris and Marseille opted for centrist candidates over the radical platforms of Marine Le Pen’s National Rally and Jean‑Luc Mélenchon’s LFI. The broader context is a decade marked by two major wars, a quantum technological shift, and accelerating climate change – none of which offer quick‑fix solutions. Labour’s economic strategy, championed by Rachel Reeves, hinges on an early‑parliament spending surge intended to generate growth before the next general election. However, the damage inflicted by the previous government is still being reassessed, with the public‑finance gap now appearing larger than the £22 bn initially highlighted by Reeves. Labour still holds considerable funds earmarked for investment, but bureaucratic inertia in Whitehall hampers swift action, and Starmer bears responsibility for this paralysis. Demonstrating tangible returns on public spending – with HS2 currently the sole benchmark – could justify future tax increases on higher earners, provided the money is not wasted. In an uncertain world, the article argues that rational, evidence‑based governance is preferable to “outlandish initiatives” that create a multitude of losers. Ultimately, the piece concludes that Truss’s experiment was a disaster not merely because of the misguided belief that tax cuts can drive sustainable growth in a mature economy, but because it relied on an imagined “escape hatch” to propel the UK to a higher economic plane.

Thousands of Iranians assembled in Tehran for the funeral of senior IRGC naval commander Alireza Tangsiri, who was killed in an Israeli strike, vowing steadfast resistance even as the United States issued stark warnings.The ceremony took place on the 47th anniversary of the Islamic Republic, a milestone that marks the 1979 revolution that ended the centuries‑old monarchy.This year’s commemoration carries added weight as the capital endures relentless U.S.-Israeli bombardments that began on February 28."This war has lasted a month. No matter how long it takes, we will keep fighting," declared Moussa Nowruzi, a 57‑year‑old pensioner, adding, "We will resist until the end."Among the mourners, a young boy brandished a sign reading "Revenge", while massive Iranian flags fluttered as crowds filled Enghelab Square, the heart of the city named after the revolution.Chants of "God is greatest, Khamenei is the supreme leader" echoed through the square, and a man was seen sobbing in the arms of a woman dressed in black.Participants also honored relatives lost in the conflict, their faces displayed on placards, as Tangsiri’s coffin was carried slowly through the gathering.Tangsiri, one of the IRGC’s longest‑serving senior officers, was credited with orchestrating the closure of the Strait of Hormuz to vessels aligned with the United States and Israel during the ongoing war.Later that day, U.S. President Donald Trump addressed the nation on television, reiterating that the war was inevitable and that America intended to "finish the job" in Iran.Trump previously claimed that Iran’s president had sought a truce—a statement Tehran denied—and warned that bombardments would continue until the Hormuz waterway was "open, free, and clear."Funeral attendees dismissed the president’s threats. "We have heard Trump say things that even the American public finds confusing," said Homa Vosoogh, 36, adding, "His statements do not affect us."Government employee Mohammad Saleh Momeni echoed the sentiment, asserting that Trump "cannot translate his words into action" and reaffirming their loyalty to Iran’s leadership.While the United States and Israel initially framed their campaign as a push for regime change, Trump’s stance has since wavered.According to the report, air strikes have claimed the life of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who led Iran for 36 years, yet the governing structure remains functional, retaining its missile and drone capabilities.Portraits of the late leader and his son Mojtaba Khamenei, who has yet to appear publicly, dominate public spaces throughout Tehran."They believe killing our commanders will weaken us, but it will not," Momeni asserted, describing the adversaries’ misconceptions.Despite a wave of anti‑government protests that peaked in January, a segment of the population continues to harbor hopes for political reform.

It's been 12 months since Donald Trump's 'liberation day' on April 2, 2025, when the US president introduced tariffs on nearly every country the US did business with. The move sent shockwaves through the global economy, causing chaos in Washington and beyond. Experts say that if Trump had spent the last 14 months on the golf course instead of in the White House, the US economy would be in a better place. The wholesale slashing of government jobs and defunding of US aid agencies had already signaled that Trump was in a hurry to upset institutions he considered profligate or useless. Investors quickly understood that chaos was an essential tool in Trump's armoury. Almost as soon as he was inaugurated, there was a steady decline in the value of the dollar against other currencies. Investors sold assets denominated in dollars and bought assets elsewhere: Europe, Asia, South America. Dario Perkins, the head of global research at the consultancy TS Lombard, said: 'If you think that discouraging investors from buying assets in the US is a victory, then you don’t believe in a growing economy.' He added that Trump's policies had led to a decline in US manufacturing jobs and a growing trade deficit. The data supports Perkins' claims. US companies stopped hiring almost as soon as liberation day was announced. Significant revisions in February to data covering 2025 pushed payroll employment down by 403,000 jobs, resulting in the addition of just 181,000 jobs last year. This small boost is set against the 163 million people who are employed in the US. Russ Mould, the investment director of the British stockbroker AJ Bell, said: 'America is still home to the world’s largest economy and its reserve currency, as well as the globe’s largest equity and bond markets, but investors continue to reassess their exposure one year on from liberation day.' The next few months of steadily increasing confidence levels followed probably the calmest period in the second Trump presidency. But sentiment began to fall again in the autumn as the White House battled with Congress over the federal budget deficit and much of the public sector was shut down. A poll by the University of Michigan showed consumer confidence at a near record low at the end of 2025. A six-month moving average produced by the Conference Board showed every generation, from baby boomers to gen Xers, had lost confidence in the economy over the past year. Trump’s liberation day executive order stated: 'The decline of US manufacturing capacity threatens the US economy in other ways, including through the loss of manufacturing jobs.' However, the US manufacturing sector shed 100,000 jobs between January 2025 and March 2026. The ratio of manufacturing workers to total nonfarm employment fell to the lowest point since 1939. Bryan Riley, the director of the National Taxpayers Union Foundation’s free trade initiative, said: 'One year after liberation day, the evidence is in. Tariffs failed even by the Trump administration’s own terms. They did not shrink the trade deficit, did not revitalise manufacturing and did not help farmers. It would be a mistake to replace one set of failed tariffs with another.' Some major US companies have redirected their investments to Europe, but China has proved to be one of the main beneficiaries. In the year to February 2026, China’s industrial profits increased by 15.2%. It's a boom that Beijing will struggle to repeat should Chinese companies face fuel and energy shortages and price hikes. But the decline of two major powers can only be to China’s gain.

Scientists are preparing to establish 4,500 native trees on the fringes of the Brecon Beacons National Park using a novel fertiliser derived from human urine.The fertiliser was produced by Bristol‑based startup NPK Recovery, which linked its mobile processing unit to the toilets serving roughly 700 revellers at the Boomtown festival in Hampshire last July.During the 2025 event the system generated 540 litres of nutrient‑rich liquid, now earmarked for planting beech, Scots pine and other native species in Wales.The three‑year restoration scheme, funded by a Forestry Commission grant, will also incorporate urine collected from additional events, expanding the supply chain for the circular fertiliser.To launch the initiative, a Scots pine seedling was planted on Thursday morning, symbolising the start of what could become a lasting Welsh forest.Lucy Bell‑Reeves, co‑founder of NPK Recovery, noted that field trials have shown the urine‑based product to be as effective as conventional fertilisers, marking its first application on trees.“Using a waste product to grow trees is a circular solution that can revitalise our struggling native species,” Bell‑Reeves said, adding that “we need to stop flushing crop and tree‑growing nutrients down the loo and start using them to increase our fertiliser security.”The company previously processed 1,000 litres of urine collected from women’s urinals at the London Marathon, converting it into an odour‑free liquid using specialised bacteria that recover nitrogen and other nutrients.NPK Recovery’s mobile laboratory enables on‑site conversion, eliminating the need for transport and preserving nutrient integrity.Partnering with the charity Stump Up For Trees, co‑founded by author‑cyclist Rob Penn, the project builds on the charity’s five‑year effort that has already planted over 500,000 trees in the region, half of its one‑million‑tree target.Penn expressed enthusiasm, stating, “This groundbreaking project has implications for the future of sustainable forestry, and collaboration with NPK Recovery brings much‑needed innovation to the sector.”

Britain is confronting the most severe energy shock since the early 1970s, as exports of oil, gas and fertiliser from the Middle East have abruptly stopped. The government says a response plan exists, but details remain vague. It is unclear whether the UK is better prepared for the fallout from Donald Trump’s war with Iran than it was for the pandemic six years ago. Ministers are sending a "we have your back" message to the public while simultaneously signalling to financial markets that any assistance will be limited and targeted. Contingency planning is especially difficult when dealing with an unpredictable leader like Trump. Britain’s heavy reliance on imported energy and food means that reassurance can only hold for a short time. The economy entered the conflict already on shaky ground: unemployment rose steadily throughout 2025 and growth stalled to a virtual standstill in the final quarter of that year. The sudden loss of Middle‑East energy and fertiliser supplies now adds a colossal supply shock. Last year, Trump’s “liberation day” tariff hikes served as a dry run for a far more serious confrontation. This time, the war is taking place in a region that is both volatile and crucial to the global economy. In the past two weeks, the repercussions have been felt across Asia – the Philippines declared a state of emergency, Sri Lanka introduced a four‑day work week, and South Korea announced budget measures to help households cope with soaring energy bills. The continent is the most dependent on Gulf‑exported energy, making the impact there the sharpest. The International Monetary Fund warned that the shock will drive higher prices and slower growth worldwide. Shortages push fuel and food prices up, eroding disposable income, prompting businesses to cut staff, and increasing the risk of recession. The UK, already projected to be one of the poorest‑performing major economies in 2026, could see its fresh graduate cohort face a brutal job market. Trump’s claim that the war could end within two or three weeks appears desperate. Even a rapid cease‑fire would leave substantial collateral damage, creating a stagflation scenario that could hurt Republican prospects in the upcoming mid‑term elections. British officials hope a swift resolution will limit economic damage, allowing a short‑term inflation spike to subside and the Bank of England to resume interest‑rate cuts. Treasury plans include scrapping the planned autumn fuel‑duty rise and providing targeted help for the poorest households, though the path is unlikely to be that simple. Currently, the Treasury is hesitant to act boldly for fear of unsettling bond markets. History – the 2008 banking collapse and the 2020 pandemic – shows that governments can act decisively without triggering a market backlash, using tools such as aggressive rate cuts, increased borrowing, and quantitative easing. The Bank of England has warned of a "substantial negative supply shock" and is expected to soften markets for future rate cuts, which are inevitable. Finance Minister Rachel Reeves could mitigate labour‑market pain by reversing recent increases in employers’ National Insurance contributions, subsidising public transport, and even lowering speed limits to conserve energy. The war, like the pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, underscores the fragility of global supply chains and the need for greater British self‑reliance. Investing heavily in renewable energy is essential, but the UK also imports roughly 40% of its food and has not run a manufacturing trade surplus since 1982. In a world of disrupted supply lines, a robust plan for economic self‑sufficiency is more urgent than ever. Larry Elliott is a Guardian columnist.