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The recent conflict in the Gulf has served as a harsh wake-up call for the British public regarding the state of the UK's armed forces. While air defence systems and fighter jets were swiftly deployed, the delayed arrival of a single destroyer, HMS Dragon, to Cyprus underscored concerns about Britain's military preparedness. Former Nato secretary general George Robertson criticised Keir Starmer for showing a 'corrosive complacency towards defence', warning that this put the UK in peril. In response, ministers pointed to 'decades of underinvestment' by previous governments and announced plans for the largest sustained increase in defence spending since the Cold War. The Ministry of Defence aims to spend 3.5% of GDP on defence by 2035. However, defence analysts argue that the UK's military has suffered from a 'lethal combination' of Treasury hostility to defence spending and the Ministry of Defence prioritising investment in ships and aircraft over the army. The British army has shrunk significantly since 1991, from 155,000 troops to 75,000 troops, with a reduction in armoured and infantry brigades. Defence experts, such as Ben Barry of the International Institute for Strategic Studies, blame this decline on inadequate resource allocation. Matthew Savill, director of military sciences at the Royal United Services Institute, notes that the UK has a decent spread of reasonably modern capabilities but faces several problems, including a lack of mass and reliance on allies. 'We've cut a lot of corners and in many cases we rely on our allies. That means we're particularly reliant on the US and others in certain areas and it can come back to bite,' Savill added. Britain's commitment to increase defence spending to 2.5% of GDP from April 2027 is more ambitious than France's, but experts suggest that the UK can learn from France's approach. The UK's plans have been influenced by Poland's military transformation, which has seen defence spending rise to 4.8% of GDP, the highest among Nato countries.

On O’Connell Street, a lime‑green CLAAS tractor arrived with a 19‑year‑old driver named Dylan, who explained that his convoy was the second to join a city‑wide fuel blockade that halted traffic for nearly a week. The protest, organized by farmers, hauliers and fishermen, highlighted the impact of a 60% increase in fuel duties and taxes on everyday Irish life. Dylan warned that the surge in fuel costs would eventually ripple through food prices, threatening household budgets across the nation. He and his companions, two teenagers, had endured cold nights inside the tractor, underscoring the desperation felt by many workers. The unrest, described by the Irish president as an "illegal war on Iran," has laid bare Ireland’s dependence on fossil fuels and the lack of a coherent transition strategy toward renewable energy. During six days of action, protestors blocked motorways, ports, the country’s sole oil refinery in County Cork, and fuel depots in Limerick and Galway. By the end of the week, petrol stations began to run low, prompting the justice minister to consider deploying the army. Yet on the streets, public sentiment was largely supportive; a recent poll indicated that 56% of respondents backed the demonstrators. Historical symbolism filled the scene: tractors flew the Irish tricolour beside buildings still scarred by the 1916 Easter Rising, while a lorry bore a painted coffin with the words "RIP Ireland" and a banner reading "Easter 2026". Critics on national radio questioned the tactics, citing concerns for vulnerable patients unable to reach medical appointments. Nonetheless, the direct‑action approach succeeded in drawing international attention and pressuring the government. When mounted police units arrived on Sunday morning, the convoy withdrew peacefully. Shortly thereafter, the coalition of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael announced a €500 million concession package, augmenting an earlier €250 million relief plan with cuts to excise duty and a postponement of the next carbon‑tax increase. Despite the financial concessions, a looming no‑confidence vote appears unlikely to topple the centre‑right coalition, even as public trust in traditional parties wanes. Dylan, too young to have voted in the last election, expressed little confidence in the political establishment. The protests have also been infiltrated by far‑right elements, with some speakers promoting anti‑immigrant conspiracies and misogynistic rhetoric. One spokesperson was found to have prior convictions for animal cruelty, and the Muslim Sisters of Éire reported being told to "go home" by flag‑waving agitators, highlighting a surge in xenophobic discourse. Beyond the immediate fuel price surge—up roughly 20% in a single month—the demonstrations raise broader questions about Ireland’s reliance on volatile global markets. The nation imports over 80% of its fruit and vegetables, while its data‑centre sector now consumes more electricity than all urban households combined, underscoring the tension between economic growth and sustainable energy policy. Analysts argue that lasting change cannot be achieved by pushing working people to the brink while catering to corporate interests. Ireland is expected to lobby the EU for a pause on carbon‑tax increases and to join calls for an EU‑wide tax on oil and gas profits, similar to measures advocated by Spain. In sum, the Dublin fuel blockade has forced the government to concede significant fiscal relief, exposed deep structural vulnerabilities in Ireland’s energy and food supply chains, and sparked a contentious debate over the role of grassroots protest, social cohesion, and climate justice.

“You can be the thickest bloke and still think you know more about football than a woman,” declares Jo, a Newcastle supporter, in the opening section of the Away From Home: The Untold Stories of Women Football Fans exhibition. The line sets the tone for a showcase that confronts the stereotype that only men can truly understand the game.Curated by Professor Stacey Pope, a leading sociologist of women’s football, and Durham University’s David Wright, the exhibition occupies the Beacon of Light pop‑up beside Sunderland’s Stadium of Light. It chronicles the presence of women on the terraces of the North‑East since the 1950s, using archival footage, hand‑sewn silk scarves and newly commissioned soundscapes to recreate match‑day rituals.The display is anchored by 22 recorded interviews with Newcastle and Sunderland fans, complemented by a broader research base of 200 interviews conducted over two decades. Pope notes that while the last thirty years have seen a “feminisation of sports fandom,” true gender parity remains elusive.Recent data underscore the exhibition’s relevance. In a survey of 2,000 male fans, three‑quarters expressed overt or covert misogynistic attitudes toward women in football. Moreover, the anti‑racism charity Kick It Out reported that sexist incidents at matches have doubled from the start of the season to the end of February compared with the previous campaign.Beyond statistics, the exhibition explores structural barriers: stadium designs that prioritize male comfort, safety concerns on public transport, and societal expectations that push women out of the stands after marriage or motherhood. As Pope explains, “football is sexist, what do you expect?” – a reality the exhibit seeks to expose and challenge.Visitors can experience mixed‑media installations that blend personal anecdotes with broader themes of loss, renewal, and the collective euphoria of a match. One soundscape, for example, transforms complaints of cold, mud, and hunger into the roar of a crowd as the game begins, illustrating how football has resonated with women for generations.The exhibition runs until the end of the season and is also available online for a wider audience.

Nelson Mandela once claimed sport could spark hope where despair prevailed – a sentiment that now feels overly optimistic as climate change threatens every arena, from football pitches to alpine slopes.Extreme weather events are already cancelling competitions and rendering venues unplayable through floods, wildfires and storms. Rising heat and air‑pollution expose athletes to heat‑related illnesses, asthma and cardiovascular strain, while also increasing injury risk and diminishing performance for officials and spectators alike.Countries most vulnerable to climate impacts face the harshest sporting challenges. As Barbados Prime Minister Mia Mottley warned, athletes must compete on the conditions that exist, not on idealised pitches, while wealthier nations and governing bodies often look the other way.Historian David Goldblatt estimates sport’s carbon footprint rivals that of a small‑ to medium‑sized nation – roughly the emissions of Cuba to Poland. Yet the industry continues to chase growth, attracting sponsorship from fossil‑fuel giants and even entities reminiscent of the tobacco era.A 2024 “Dirty Money” report by the New Weather Institute revealed that state‑owned and private fossil‑fuel companies have poured at least $5.6 billion (£4.2 billion) into global sport across 205 active deals. The recent Milan‑Cortina Winter Olympics relied on oil major Eni to fund artificial snow, while the upcoming men’s football World Cup – labelled the “most polluting ever” by Scientists for Global Responsibility – will be plastered with ads from Aramco, the world’s largest corporate greenhouse‑gas emitter, with emissions projected to be 92 % higher than typical tournaments between 2010‑2022.Fans and grassroots organisations are pushing back. Groups such as Surfers Against Sewage, Fossil Free Football, FrontRunners and Protect Our Winters are mobilising, while clubs like Forest Green Rovers and athletes such as Australian cricket captain Pat Cummins are publicly denouncing fossil‑fuel ties.Alternative sponsorships are emerging: Northern Rail backs the Rugby Super League, Metrobank partners with cricket, and Oxford United’s limited‑edition shirt celebrates John Ruskin’s “Study of a Wild Rose,” linking sport to environmental heritage.“The Hotspot” aims to surface the most compelling stories, analyse data, and chart a path forward for sport in a warming world. As the planet races toward a climatic finish line, sport must deliver its own last‑second victory.This excerpt is from the inaugural issue of The Hotspot newsletter. To subscribe, visit this page and follow the instructions.

National Gas announced that the United Kingdom will have enough gas to satisfy summer demand despite recent tensions in the Strait of Hormuz. The network, which runs the country’s gas pipelines, says domestic and Norwegian supplies will cover the low‑usage months, meaning liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports will be minimal this summer. The real challenge lies ahead. While renewable rollout is accelerating, gas will remain a core part of the UK’s energy mix for at least the next two decades. It accounts for about 37% of total gas consumption in 2024, with domestic heating being the largest single use. Replacing millions of boilers with heat pumps cannot happen quickly, especially given the current sluggish pace. Government plans for 2030 still require the full 35 GW of gas‑fired generation capacity to stay online as backup. Energy department data released in early 2025 showed gas demand “broadly stable” for the third consecutive year, representing roughly half of the nation’s 75.2% fossil‑fuel dependency. In the debate over new North Sea drilling licences, the key question is where future gas will come from. Oxford energy economist Sir Dieter Helm, speaking on a Chatham House podcast, warned that gas will dominate the energy supply for the next decade or two and that the cheapest, least polluting option is pipeline gas—not LNG. Analysis from Wood Mackenzie confirms this hierarchy. Pipeline gas from modern Norwegian platforms has the lowest carbon intensity, followed by UK North Sea pipelines. By contrast, LNG adds significant emissions during liquefaction and regasification, and US LNG is the most carbon‑intensive because much of it originates from shale gas with higher methane leakage. Wood Mackenzie’s import forecasts to 2045 paint a stark picture: if domestic production wanes, the UK could rely on US LNG for over 60% of its total gas supply by 2035. The firm notes that Middle‑East gas is geared toward Asian markets, while US cargoes are increasingly directed to Europe, raising concerns about over‑reliance on a single supplier. These projections underpin the argument for expanding UK North Sea extraction. More domestic drilling would reduce dependence on US LNG—a geopolitical risk given the United States’ tendency to use energy as a foreign‑policy lever—and would also lower the overall carbon footprint of the gas supply chain. Critics often claim that North Sea output is exported, so it does not improve national security. Two counter‑points are clear: first, gas delivered directly via pipeline to the UK network is inherently more secure than trans‑Atlantic cargoes; second, the UK could negotiate long‑term, fixed‑price contracts with producers, a model that worked well in the early days of North Sea development. None of this diminishes the importance of renewables and nuclear power. Electrification remains the long‑term goal, but gas will stay in the energy basket for years to come. Offshore Energies UK estimates that, with a pragmatic licensing approach, reliance on LNG could be limited to 6% of total gas supplies by 2035. Assuming political stalemate eases, the pending approval of the Jackdaw field—accounting for roughly 6% of current domestic production—could spark a more nuanced debate about the UK’s gas procurement strategy, moving beyond the simplistic “renewables vs. gas” narrative. Reflecting on the recent Iran‑UK conflict, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak highlighted the need for “secure, homegrown energy”. The logical follow‑up is twofold: accelerate electrification to cut gas demand, and while gas remains essential, avoid turning the UK into an “energy prisoner of the US”. Beyond the geopolitical and environmental benefits, expanding North Sea output would also support jobs, tax revenue, and the balance of payments.

The UK's National Energy System Operator (Neso) is set to launch a new initiative urging households to boost their consumption of renewable energy during periods of high production. This move aims to balance the power grid and reduce energy bills, which are expected to rise to almost £2,000 a year from July. Under the plan, households may be encouraged to run appliances like dishwashers and washing machines, or charge electric vehicles, during times when there is a surplus of wind and solar power. Energy suppliers may offer discounted or free electricity during these periods. The goal is to avoid making costly payments to turn off wind and solar farms when demand is low, which ultimately affects energy bills. This approach could prove popular as households face rising energy costs. Great Britain has recently set records for solar power and is expected to have a summer where the grid could run entirely on zero-carbon electricity. The country is also anticipated to be a net importer of electricity from continental Europe. The abundance of low-carbon electricity supplies poses a risk of grid overload on breezy summer weekends, potentially leading to unplanned blackouts. However, future grid upgrades and increased power consumption by electric vehicles and green technologies are expected to mitigate this issue. Businesses and manufacturers will also be able to increase their electricity demand during certain times in exchange for better rates. Additionally, the UK is expected to have sufficient gas supplies to meet its needs this summer, primarily relying on North Sea gas from Norway and the UK.

Israeli strikes in southern Lebanon have resulted in at least six fatalities, according to state media reports. The Israeli military claims to have surrounded the main town of Bint Jbeil, a strategic location in the conflict with Hezbollah.The state-run National News Agency (NNA) reported that one person was killed and nine others injured in an airstrike on the town of Bazouriyeh. Additionally, Israeli air strikes killed one person in Nabatiyeh El Faouqa and three others in Sir el Gharbiyeh and Choukine.The Israeli military also struck a centre of the International Committee of the Red Cross in Tyre, resulting in one injury that later died. Several Red Cross vehicles were damaged in the attack.The Israeli army announced it will have full operational control of Bint Jbeil within days, after claiming to have killed more than 100 Hezbollah fighters there over the past week. Hezbollah has been engaged in fierce fighting with Israeli forces in Bint Jbeil, a town that has been a symbolic and strategic flashpoint in confrontations between the two.Diplomatic efforts to contain the conflict are underway, with Israeli and Lebanese officials set to hold talks in Washington to end the war. Lebanon's culture minister, Ghassan Salame, emphasized the government's focus on securing an immediate halt to hostilities before any peace talks with Israel.Since Israel expanded its offensive in Lebanon on March 2, at least 2,055 people have been killed and over 6,550 others injured. The escalation in Bint Jbeil comes as Hezbollah continues to engage in clashes with Israeli forces, with the group reporting intense clashes on Sunday.

A French court has convicted cement giant Lafarge of financing terrorism through its Syrian subsidiary, fining the company €1.12 million ($1.32m) and confiscating €30 million ($35.1m) worth of its assets. The court also sentenced former CEO Bruno Lafont to six years in jail.The Paris court ruled that Lafarge had paid protection money directly to ISIL (ISIS) and other armed groups, breaching European sanctions to operate in northern Syria during the country's civil war in 2013-2014. The company paid a total of €5.59 million ($6.55m) to armed groups in Syria, including to ISIL and the al-Nusra Front.The court found that Lafarge's payments helped to strengthen groups that carried out deadly attacks in Syria and beyond. The company's former deputy managing director, Christian Herrault, was sentenced to five years in jail, while other former employees received fines and sentences ranging from one to seven years.The case marks the first time a company has been tried in France for financing terrorism. Lafarge, now part of Swiss building materials conglomerate Holcim, acknowledged paying nearly €13 million ($15.2m) to middlemen to keep its Syrian cement factory running during the war. The company claimed it bore no responsibility for the money winding up in the hands of armed groups.In a separate case in the United States, Lafarge admitted to paying $6m to ISIL and the al-Nusra Front to allow employees, customers, and suppliers to pass through checkpoints. The company paid $778m in forfeiture and fines as part of a plea agreement.

The Iranian judiciary announced on Monday that the assets of Zahra Ghanbari, captain of Iran’s women’s national football team, have been released following a court decision. The assets had been frozen earlier after she was listed among alleged “traitors” for seeking asylum in Australia.According to the state‑run Mizan news agency, the release came after Ghanbari submitted a “declaration of innocence” and demonstrated a change in behaviour, prompting officials to lift the seizure.Ghanbari was part of a group of six players and one staff member who fled to Australia in March, after the team’s refusal to sing Iran’s national anthem during the AFC Women’s Asian Cup sparked a media backlash. Australian Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke had publicly offered asylum to the entire delegation, warning they could face reprisals on return.Within weeks, five of the athletes, including Ghanbari, abandoned their asylum applications and returned to Iran. They were greeted with a hero’s welcome at a ceremony in central Tehran on March 19, and the court subsequently moved to restore their frozen assets.The asset release follows a broader crackdown that began after the outbreak of the US‑Israel war on Iran on February 28, during which more than 2,000 Iranians were reported killed. Iranian state media published a list of individuals deemed “traitors,” leading to the freezing of their property and bank accounts.In interviews with Al Jazeera, two of the returning players described the intense pressure they faced, noting that any misstep could have severe personal and professional consequences. “Every decision felt like a life‑or‑death choice for my family and my career,” said Mona Hamoudi, one of the athletes.Human‑rights groups have repeatedly warned that Iranian authorities use tactics such as asset seizure, family intimidation, and legal threats to deter athletes from defecting or speaking out. The case of Ghanbari underscores how sports can become a flashpoint for broader geopolitical tensions.Only two members of the original squad remain in Australia, where they have continued training with Brisbane Roar, while the rest of the team prepares for upcoming domestic competitions under heightened scrutiny.