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The LeadLibya's largest functioning oil refinery has resumed full operations after fighting over the past two days forced a complete shutdown of the facility. The Zawiya refinery, located about 40km west of Tripoli, was forced to halt operations and evacuate all tankers from the port when heavy shelling struck multiple locations inside the facility.The Event DetailsThe emergency shutdown occurred after fighting erupted near the facility in Zawiya on Friday. According to the operator Azzawiya Oil Refining Company, the plant was forced to shut completely, and all tankers were evacuated from the port. Libya's National Oil Corporation (NOC) reported that several high-calibre projectiles landed in various parts of the oil complex but noted there had been no significant damage at that time.The Data AnalysisThe Zawiya refinery has a significant capacity of 120,000 barrels per day (bpd), making it Libya's largest functioning oil facility. It is strategically connected to the 300,000-bpd Sharara oilfield, which enhances its importance in the country's oil infrastructure. Despite the shutdown, NOC confirmed that fuel supplies to Tripoli and surrounding areas had not been affected by the disruption.The Impact AnalysisThe incident highlights the persistent security challenges facing Libya's oil industry, which has been plagued by unrest since the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011. Zawiya has seen repeated fighting that has at times forced the closure of the coastal road to the Tunisian border, disrupting both commercial and military logistics. The security directorate of Zawiya described the recent incident as a 'security operation against outlaws,' indicating ongoing tensions in the region.The PredictionWhile the refinery has resumed operations, the incident underscores the vulnerability of Libya's oil infrastructure to localized conflicts. Given the country's history of instability, similar disruptions may continue to affect production capabilities. However, NOC's ability to quickly restore operations and maintain fuel supplies demonstrates the resilience of Libya's oil management systems, suggesting that while short-term disruptions are likely, long-term production capacity remains intact despite the security challenges.

The 60-Day Constitutional Crossroads in the Iran ConflictWashington, DC – The 60-day mark of the United States and Israel's war with Iran represents a fork in the road for US lawmakers: will they assert their authority – either in support or against – the conflict, or remain silent? This constitutional deadline, mandated by the War Powers Act of 1973, requires presidents to cease military action after 60 days unless they receive congressional authorization to continue.Despite this clear legal requirement, US presidents have for decades pushed the limits of their war-making authority, often flouting the 60-day deadline while Congress has regularly remained silent on the matter. With the threshold set to be reached on May 1 – marking 60 days from when US President Donald Trump officially notified Congress of the US-Israel attacks on Iran that began on February 28 – the question of congressional oversight has never been more pressing.War Powers Act and Presidential AuthorityThe US Constitution limits a president's war-making powers, with the 1973 War Powers Act further codifying that presidents must cease military action after 60 days or receive congressional authorization to legally continue. However, according to David Janovsky, acting director of the Constitution Project at the Project on Government Oversight (POGO), presidents have historically pushed these boundaries.Given the federal courts' historical reluctance to weigh in on matters of armed conflict, it remains unclear what the pending deadline will bring. Under the War Powers Act, Trump could request a 30-day extension to complete a troop withdrawal, but that would preclude any new offensive operations. The onus should be on Trump to stop the war after the deadline, regardless of what actions Congress takes. If not, his power to wage war would be subject to legal challenges in federal court.Political Calculations in CongressSo far, political brass in Congress has not revealed how they plan to proceed in the days ahead. Republicans, who control a slim majority in the Senate and the House of Representatives, have already scuttled a series of resolutions to rein in Trump's military authorities and have shown general unity in not publicly opposing the war with Iran.However, divisions are emerging within Republican ranks. At least two Republicans, Senators Thom Tillis and Susan Collins, have suggested they would not vote to approve further US military action following May 1. Senator Lisa Murkowski, a Republican, has indicated she is working on an authorization of use of military force (AUMF) on the war, which would allow the US military to continue operations without a full declaration of war.The debate comes as many Republican lawmakers are privately acknowledging that the military campaign is exacting potentially irreparable political damage in the run-up to the midterm elections in November. Polls have shown dismal support among independents and slumping, if still majority, support among Republicans.Regional and Global ImplicationsThe Iran conflict has already resulted in significant casualties, with at least 3,300 people killed in Iran amid the US-Israel attacks. Dozens more, including 13 US military personnel, have been killed by Iran's retaliatory strikes across the region. The Trump administration has promised to decimate Iran's military capabilities, hitting at least 13,000 targets before the pause in fighting began, while pledging to dismantle the country's nuclear program and foment wider regime change.The war has also had significant geopolitical implications, with Gulf leaders meeting in Saudi Arabia for the first time since the start of the conflict and the UAE leaving OPEC in a blow to the oil cartel. These developments signal a potential realignment of regional power dynamics that could extend far beyond the immediate conflict.Future Scenarios Beyond the DeadlinePresidents have long tinkered with the definition of 'hostilities' under the War Powers Act to avoid congressional approval. From Clinton's operations in Iraq and Somalia to Obama's argument that the scope of military operations in Libya in 2011 was not subject to the Act, the pattern of presidential overreach has continued.Still, POGO's Janovsky noted that another round of congressional inaction would represent a leap in even the most generous interpretations of what is and is not subject to the law. As the pause in fighting that began on April 8 continues, with Trump repeatedly lodging threats of new attacks, the legal and political questions surrounding the conflict remain unresolved.Ultimately, the 60-day mark represents not just a legal deadline but a critical moment for the balance of power between the executive and legislative branches. Whether Congress chooses to assert its constitutional authority or continue its pattern of deference to presidential war-making will have profound implications for the future of US foreign policy and the separation of powers.

The Current Fracture: Diplomatic Tensions Under King CharlesThe United Kingdom’s ambassador to the United States, Christian Turner, has framed King Charles III's recent four-day visit as a critical effort to "renew and revitalise a unique friendship." However, this diplomatic mission arrives at a precarious moment. The relationship is currently under severe strain due to President Donald Trump's public criticism of Prime Minister Keir Starmer. Trump has accused Starmer of failing to assist Washington in the fight against Iran or help reopen the strategic Strait of Hormuz, famously branding him "not Winston Churchill." This tension is compounded by Starmer's initial refusal to allow US forces to utilize UK military bases for strikes, a decision that has tested the limits of the alliance.Historical Context: From WWII Solidarity to Modern FrictionThe current discord is not unprecedented; it is merely the latest chapter in a century of volatile cooperation. The timeline of the "special relationship" reveals a pattern where the US often prioritizes its own strategic interests over its closest ally.1940-1944 (WWII): The alliance was cemented through the "Germany first" strategy and the Lend-Lease Act, where the US provided crucial supplies to the UK before officially entering the war.1956 (Suez Crisis): The relationship was tested when President Eisenhower pressured the UK and France to halt their invasion of Egypt, forcing a humiliating retreat that signaled a shift in US-European power dynamics.1982 (Falklands War): The US initially refused military assistance to the UK during the Argentine invasion, only providing logistical support after Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher refused Reagan's peace proposals.2003 (Iraq War): The alliance reached a peak of coordination with Prime Minister Tony Blair committing tens of thousands of troops to support President George W. Bush, despite massive domestic protests.Strategic Divergence: Military and Political DisagreementsAnalysis of recent conflicts reveals a recurring theme of divergence between London and Washington regarding the scope of military intervention. During the 1998-1999 Kosovo War, Prime Minister Tony Blair was a vocal advocate for deploying ground forces to halt ethnic cleansing, while President Bill Clinton favoured a limited NATO air campaign. Similarly, in the 2011 Libya War, President Barack Obama later accused Prime Minister David Cameron of becoming "distracted" and failing to invest in the post-conflict management, highlighting a gap in strategic vision.The Future Outlook: Can the Alliance Survive?As the US-UK relationship enters a new era under King Charles and a potentially contentious Trump administration, the alliance faces a critical test. The current friction over the Iran conflict suggests that the "special relationship" is increasingly transactional. While historical precedents show that the two nations can weather periods of intense diplomatic strain, the current lack of unified military support for a key strategic objective—blocking the Strait of Hormuz—could signal a long-term erosion of the trust that defined the post-WWII era.

Libya has taken a significant step towards economic stability with the approval of its first unified budget in over a decade. The Central Bank of Libya confirmed that both the eastern-based House of Representatives (HoR) and the Tripoli-based High Council of State have endorsed the budget. This development is seen as a rare moment of cooperation in a country divided by conflict since the 2014 civil war. The unified budget was signed in the capital, Tripoli, where the internationally recognized Government of National Unity is based under Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbeibah. Governor Naji Issa described the agreement as a 'clear declaration that Libya is capable of overcoming its differences when a unified vision for its future is forged.' Libya has remained split since the 2014 civil war, which created rival administrations in the east and west. The last time the country operated under a single national budget was in 2013. The deal brings together institutions that have long competed for authority, with representatives from both sides signing the agreement. Despite this breakthrough, political divisions remain entrenched. In the east, forces loyal to Khalifa Haftar maintain control over large parts of the country, including key oil-producing regions. The timing of the agreement is significant, given Libya's growing importance in global energy markets. Demand for its crude has increased amid disruptions linked to the Israel-US war on Iran and the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz. Libya's geographic position offers a critical advantage, as oil shipments from its ports reach European refineries quickly and avoid the risks associated with Gulf routes. Its light, sweet crude also meets the needs of European refiners facing ongoing supply challenges. This development signals a shift towards more formal cooperation, even as Libya's political fragmentation persists.

According to the United Nations' International Organization for Migration (IOM), more than 180 people are feared dead or missing after a series of shipwrecks in the Mediterranean over the past ten days, pushing the year‑to‑date death toll to almost 1,000 since January 2026. The agency disclosed that approximately 765 deaths have occurred in the Central Mediterranean alone, surpassing the same period last year by over 460 fatalities. Across the entire Mediterranean, IOM recorded at least 990 deaths, describing it as "one of the deadliest starts to a year since 2014," when systematic data collection began. Since March 28, five separate shipwrecks have claimed the lives of or left missing at least 181 individuals. The most recent tragedy on Sunday involved a vessel that departed from Tajoura, Libya, with roughly 120 migrants aboard; rough weather caused the boat to capsize, leaving more than 80 people missing. Rescue efforts saved 32 survivors, who were later transferred to Lampedusa by the Italian coast guard, and two bodies were recovered. Libya continues to serve as a primary transit hub for migrants fleeing conflict and poverty in Africa and the Middle East, a situation exacerbated by the country's ongoing instability since the 2011 uprising that ousted Muammar Gaddafi. Lampedusa, the tiny Italian island that functions as Europe’s main entry point from North Africa, has witnessed a grim pattern of loss. An earlier shipwreck on April 1 off Lampedusa resulted in at least 19 confirmed deaths and the rescue of 58 people, many of whom remain in critical condition. Survivors reported that the vessel had left the Libyan port of Zuara between March 28 and 29. IOM chief Amy Pope emphasized that these incidents highlight a persistent humanitarian emergency: "These tragedies show, once again, that far too many people are still risking their lives on dangerous routes," she said. Pope called for immediate action, stating that saving lives must be the priority and urging the international community to strengthen coordinated efforts against traffickers, expand safe and regular migration pathways, and prevent future deaths. The surge in fatalities underscores the urgent need for policy reforms and increased rescue capacity in the Mediterranean, as the region grapples with a mounting humanitarian crisis that threatens both lives and regional stability.

A recent investigation by The Sentry has uncovered that Libyan businessman Ahmed Gadalla facilitated hundreds of millions of dollars in loans to support Khalifa Haftar's failed 2019-2020 assault on Tripoli. The report alleges that Gadalla, a key enabler for Haftar family members, secured $300m in loans from a minor bank based in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates (UAE), ahead of the offensive. The months-long campaign by forces loyal to Haftar to seize the Libyan capital from the United Nations-recognised government resulted in hundreds of deaths and displaced hundreds of thousands of people. The cost of the campaign was significant, with an estimated $700 million effort mobilised upfront. The investigation suggests that the money likely helped finance operations, including payments to Russia's mercenary Wagner Group, which supported Haftar's offensive. After Haftar's offensive collapsed, the loans remained largely unpaid, leaving the Libyan public to bear the financial burden. Gadalla has faced no accountability, and the report warns that he has since expanded his influence across eastern Libya's financial system, exerting control over key banks and facilitating large-scale letter-of-credit fraud and laundering illicit profits. The Sentry's report also links Gadalla to efforts to procure and transfer military equipment to Sudan, in violation of a UN arms embargo. The group has called on Western governments to impose targeted sanctions on Gadalla and his network, warning that without concerted international action, Libya faces the continued erosion of its economic foundations.

Amid growing international focus on the Iran‑Israel conflict, Israel is pressing ahead with a systematic annexation of the West Bank, centred on the contentious E1 settlement project. The plan envisions the construction of 3,400 new homes on Palestinian land, a move designed to split the territory and undermine the viability of a future Palestinian state. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has publicly condemned the annexation drive, labeling the E1 scheme illegal. Although the war in Iran and Israel’s military actions in southern Lebanon have delayed the release of construction tenders, officials confirm that the tenders will be issued on 1 June. Criticism from the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Italy has so far failed to deter the Israeli government, which appears accustomed to rhetorical rebukes without concrete repercussions. As former EU officials note, the Union has yet to leverage its economic and diplomatic weight to stop the settlement expansion. The British Prime Minister has reaffirmed the stance of the International Court of Justice, declaring the 1967 occupation of Gaza, East Jerusalem and the West Bank unlawful. This follows the United Kingdom’s formal recognition of the State of Palestine last year, alongside France, Canada and Australia. Given its historic ties and recent diplomatic recognitions, the UK is uniquely positioned to galvanise European and Commonwealth partners. Experts propose a three‑pronged approach: first, issue a clear warning that any contractor involved in designing, building or financing the E1 settlement jeopardises its commercial interests with the UK; second, impose a comprehensive ban on UK trade in goods, services and investment linked to the settlements; and third, suspend the trade concessions granted under the UK‑Israel trade and partnership agreement for breaching its human‑rights provisions. New Prime Minister Keir Starmer is urged to embed these measures within a broader strategy to strengthen European cooperation, champion equal rights, and secure mutual security for Israelis and Palestinians. Without enforceable consequences, the illegal settlement programme is likely to expand, heightening the risk of further violence. Vincent Fean – former consul‑general in JerusalemDavid Hannay – former UN ambassadorAnn Grant – former high commissioner to South AfricaEmyr Jones Parry – former UN ambassadorDavid Manning – former US ambassadorDavid Richmond – former FCO director generalPeter Westmacott – former US ambassadorJeremy Greenstock – former UN ambassadorFrances Guy – former Lebanon ambassadorPeter Millett – former Jordan ambassadorDerek Plumbly – former Egypt ambassadorEdward Clay – former Kenya high commissionerTony Brenton – former Russia ambassadorWilliam Patey – former Afghanistan ambassadorColin Budd – former Netherlands ambassadorAnthony Cary – former Canada high commissionerAlan Charlton – former Brazil ambassadorEdward Chaplin – former Iraq and Jordan ambassadorPeter Collecott – former Brazil ambassadorRichard Dalton – former Iran ambassadorMichael Hone – former Iceland ambassadorNicholas Hopton – former Iran ambassadorPeter Jenkins – former UN (Vienna) ambassadorRupert Joy – former EU ambassador to MoroccoRobin Kealy – former Tunisia ambassadorRobin Lamb – former Bahrain ambassadorAnthony Layden – former Morocco ambassadorRichard Makepeace – former UAE ambassadorMark Matthews – former Chad ambassadorRichard Northern – former Libya ambassadorChristopher Segar – former Iraq ambassadorAdrian Sindall – former Syria ambassador

The global oil trade is facing a chokepoint crisis, with Libya's oil disputes mirroring the situation in the Hormuz Strait. The Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway for oil transportation, was briefly closed after US and Israeli strikes on Iran in late February, causing Brent crude oil prices to soar to nearly $120 a barrel.Libya, with its strategically located oil terminals on the northeastern coast, has become a crucial player in the global oil trade. The country's light, sweet grades of oil are particularly valuable to European refiners. However, Libya's political instability and factional oil deals are threatening to disrupt oil supplies, with Europe's energy security hanging in the balance.The Libyan National Army (LNA), led by Khalifa Haftar, controls the territory where Libya's oil is located, while the Government of National Unity (GNU) in Tripoli signs oil contracts. This has led to a situation where Tripoli may sign oil contracts, but Haftar decides whether oil actually flows. The Arkenu agreement, a private oil company linked to the Haftar family, was recently terminated due to corruption allegations, leaving the future of Libya's oil supplies uncertain.The US is attempting to broker new talks between Tripoli and Haftar's camp, but a deal is not yet certain. Meanwhile, European energy security is at risk, with the Mediterranean Sea becoming a battleground for proxy wars between Russia and Ukraine. The sabotage of oil infrastructure and attacks on tankers are exacerbating the situation, highlighting the need for a stable and secure oil supply to Europe.

Iran’s nationwide internet outage, which started on 28 February following the first US‑Israel strikes, has now stretched beyond 38 days, making it the most prolonged country‑wide shutdown since the Arab‑spring era. Authorities ordered a total cut‑off of global internet services on the day the conflict began, after a brief shutdown in January amid nationwide protests. More than five weeks without external connectivity has left most Iranians dependent on state‑run television and a single satellite channel for news. According to Amir Rashidi, director of the Iran‑focused human‑rights group Miaan, many citizens are unaware of the full scale of the war because “their only sources are Iranian state television and one satellite channel.” This limited media environment means Iranians receive information filtered through government agendas. Doug Madory, director of internet analysis at Kentik, noted that while sub‑national outages have occurred in places like Myanmar, Ukraine and Gaza, Iran’s shutdown is the longest and most severe at the national level since Libya’s six‑month blackout during the Arab Spring. Sudan’s 37‑day shutdown in 2019 is the only comparable recent case. In response, the regime has pushed users onto the National Information Network (NIN), a domestic intranet under development for 16 years. The NIN provides parallel services—local search engines, an Iranian‑styled streaming platform, and messaging apps—but operates under strict government monitoring. Platforms are known to hand over user data to authorities. A Miaan Group report highlighted that domestic search engines censor key terms. For example, searches for “war” or “ceasefire” on Gerdoo, Iran’s home‑grown Google alternative, return no results, while another local engine frames the conflict as a decisive Iranian victory. Circumventing the blackout is costly and risky. Some Iranians travel overland to Turkey to regain connectivity, while others purchase VPNs or special SIM cards on a hidden market at prices ranging from $6 to $24 per gigabyte—five to twenty times the global average—effectively turning internet access into a luxury commodity. Despite the human and economic toll, Miaan Group warns that the shutdown is likely to persist as the government continues to promote the NIN, even though many of its services remain unreliable or non‑functional. There is no clear indication that unrestricted internet access will be restored in the near future.