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As the 2026 local and regional elections draw nearer, the spectre of Trussonomics looms large over the British political landscape. From the Conservatives to the Greens, parties are unveiling extravagant fiscal promises that they claim can be funded by cuts elsewhere or additional borrowing, while insisting the broader economy will remain unharmed. Critics warn that any adverse effects will inevitably be shifted onto people and businesses outside the parties' core constituencies, effectively socialising the risk. Only Keir Starmer and his Labour cabinet appear to resist the pressure to re‑engineer the economy without acknowledging inevitable spill‑overs or extra costs. Former Prime Minister Liz Truss famously pledged £45 bn of tax cuts, financed through extra borrowing and so‑called welfare “efficiencies”. The plan was pitched as a catalyst for an entrepreneurial surge that would lift the UK out of a prolonged period of low productivity. Heading into May’s local polls, the Conservatives are touting a new “big‑spending” agenda after recent welfare cuts, highlighted by a headline pledge to shrink the welfare bill by £23 bn. Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride declared that the “culture of ‘something for nothing’ must end, now”. Green Party leader Zack Polanski has softened some of his party’s more radical proposals, yet the manifesto remains vague. Earlier drafts featured a litany of “free lunches”, signalling an ambition to raise taxes by **more than £170 bn a year** by the end of the next parliament. Key components of the Green plan include a £90 bn annual carbon tax and a matching increase in day‑to‑day public spending, alongside a proposed £90 bn boost to the capital‑spending budget (raising it from £160 bn to £250 bn per year). Reform UK has embraced Trussonomics with gusto, promising to raise the income‑tax threshold from £12,570 to £20,000 – a move that would cost the exchequer **over £40 bn each year**. Underlying many of these pledges is a belief that the UK can reverse a century of economic decline with a “magician’s wand”, ignoring potential repercussions for financial markets, trading partners, and a rapidly disintegrating global order. While the article briefly references the United States and France, the French electorate’s recent rejection of similarly flamboyant policies in local elections serves as a cautionary tale: voters in key cities like Paris and Marseille opted for centrist candidates over the radical platforms of Marine Le Pen’s National Rally and Jean‑Luc Mélenchon’s LFI. The broader context is a decade marked by two major wars, a quantum technological shift, and accelerating climate change – none of which offer quick‑fix solutions. Labour’s economic strategy, championed by Rachel Reeves, hinges on an early‑parliament spending surge intended to generate growth before the next general election. However, the damage inflicted by the previous government is still being reassessed, with the public‑finance gap now appearing larger than the £22 bn initially highlighted by Reeves. Labour still holds considerable funds earmarked for investment, but bureaucratic inertia in Whitehall hampers swift action, and Starmer bears responsibility for this paralysis. Demonstrating tangible returns on public spending – with HS2 currently the sole benchmark – could justify future tax increases on higher earners, provided the money is not wasted. In an uncertain world, the article argues that rational, evidence‑based governance is preferable to “outlandish initiatives” that create a multitude of losers. Ultimately, the piece concludes that Truss’s experiment was a disaster not merely because of the misguided belief that tax cuts can drive sustainable growth in a mature economy, but because it relied on an imagined “escape hatch” to propel the UK to a higher economic plane.

The UK government has instructed HS2 Ltd to assess the feasibility of operating its high-speed trains at reduced speeds, aiming to curb escalating costs and facilitate an earlier launch in the 2030s. The proposal involves limiting train speeds to 186mph (300km/h), a significant decrease from the initially planned 224mph. Potentially billions of pounds in savings could be achieved through this adjustment, which would bring the project more in line with typical European high-speed rail standards. Currently, most UK trains operate at a maximum speed of 125mph, while HS1 trains serving Kent and the Channel tunnel reach up to 186mph. Transport Secretary Heidi Alexander has commissioned HS2 Ltd to report back on the potential savings from slower trains before the summer recess. This development follows a review by HS2's new CEO, Mark Wild, who has been working to regain control of the project's costs and delays. Alexander acknowledged the challenges facing the project, stating that previous plans significantly underestimated the work required. Despite these challenges, she praised Wild's leadership and noted that HS2 is now making progress, having completed the excavation of all 23 miles of deep tunnels needed for the initial stage of the railway. The project's overall budget is expected to be reassessed and restated in 2026 prices, with predictions that it will exceed £100bn due to soaring inflation and rising labour and steel costs. As of now, the total expenditure stands at £46.2bn at current prices. Government sources suggest that the original design for the world's fastest railway was “gold-plated” and “needlessly overspecced”, contributing to the cost overruns. Wild emphasized that speed was never the primary objective, and the railway's focus should be on delivering better journeys, increased network capacity, and economic growth.