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The Lead At least four people have been killed in political unrest after Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Hindu nationalist party won the state election in West Bengal, police and party officials say. The Election Results and Violence Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) swept the polls in its first-ever victory in the key eastern state, home to about 100 million people, winning 206 of the 294 assembly seats. The results led to clashes between rival party supporters in the state capital, Kolkata, and other West Bengal districts. The BJP reported two of their workers were killed. The TMC party also reported two of their workers were beaten to death. The Data Analysis A senior police officer confirmed four deaths in clashes and said one officer had been shot in the leg. The violence resulted in the vandalism of public property and TMC party offices. The Impact Analysis The BJP's victory in the largely Bengali-speaking state is one of its most significant since Modi was first elected prime minister in 2014, expanding its dominance beyond the Hindi-speaking heartland of north and central India. The TMC party, led by Mamata Banerjee, had ruled West Bengal since 2011. The Prediction The Election Commission of India directed West Bengal's top officials to enforce "zero tolerance" towards any incidents of post-poll violence. Analysts say the BJP's win could have significant implications for the state's politics and potentially lead to further unrest.

West Bengal’s electoral rolls have been slashed by over nine million names, representing roughly 12 % of the state’s 76 million registered voters, after the Election Commission of India (ECI) completed its Special Intensive Revision (SIR) earlier this month. The purge has hit the Muslim community hardest. In districts where Muslims form a sizable share of the electorate, deletions total 460,000 in Murshidabad, 330,000 in North 24 Parganas and 240,000 in Malda. Analysts say the pattern suggests a strategic effort to reshape the voter base ahead of the assembly election scheduled for April 23 and April 29, with results due on May 4. One of the most striking cases is that of Nabijan Mondal, 73, who has voted in every national, state and local election for the past five decades. She discovered her name missing from the new list because her voter card bears the nickname “Nabijan” while her Aadhaar and ration cards use the formal name “Nabirul.” Her husband, children and their spouses remain on the roll, leaving her unable to vote. Overall, nearly six million of the removed voters were classified as absent, shifted, dead or duplicate, while the remaining three million must appeal to special tribunals. However, the Supreme Court of India has ruled that those with pending tribunal cases cannot cast ballots in the upcoming election, though it may permit the ECI to issue supplementary lists. West Bengal’s Muslim population stands at about 25 million (27 % of the state’s 106 million residents). The Trinamool Congress (TMC), led by Mamata Banerjee, has governed the state since 2011 and relies heavily on Muslim support to counter the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Banerjee has accused the ECI of partisan bias, claiming the SIR was “selectively applied … to benefit the BJP.” Conversely, the BJP frames the revision as a necessary measure against “illegal infiltrators,” linking the exercise to concerns over cross‑border migration from Bangladesh and Rohingya refugees. Independent research by the Kolkata‑based SABAR Institute supports the allegation of disproportionate impact. In the contested constituencies of Nandigram and Bhabanipur, where the BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari is challenging TMC leaders, over 95 % of the deleted names in Nandigram were Muslims, and 40 % of deletions in Bhabanipur involved Muslim voters, despite Muslims comprising only 25 % and 20 % of the respective populations. Women appear especially vulnerable. Legal scholar Swati Narayan notes that patrilocal customs and frequent name changes after marriage create documentation gaps that the SIR process penalises. Jesmina Khatun, a 31‑year‑old from Gobindapur, lost her name over a minor spelling inconsistency in her father’s surname, illustrating how minor clerical errors can disenfranchise voters. Political commentator Yogendra Yadav warns that the SIR places an “excessive burden” on female voters, who must produce proof from their natal homes while men can rely on documents from their current residence. With tribunals unlikely to clear the backlog before polling day, thousands of eligible citizens risk being excluded from a pivotal election that could reshape the political landscape of India’s most populous state.

Wisden Cricketers' Almanack, a renowned UK-based publication and the 'bible' of cricket, has strongly criticized what it describes as Indian political interference in global cricket administration. The criticism comes as the sport's governance is increasingly described as 'Orwellian', suggesting a dystopian level of control and manipulation. In its 163rd annual edition, Wisden editor Lawrence Booth emphasized the unhealthy and politicized dominance of India in the global game. A significant point of contention is the current leadership of the International Cricket Council (ICC), which includes an Indian chief executive, Sanjog Gupta, and an Indian chairman, Jay Shah. Jay Shah is the son of Amit Shah, India's minister of home affairs and a close ally of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Wisden described the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI), which Shah led before taking over at the ICC, as 'the sporting adjunct of India's ruling BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party)'. This close relationship between Indian cricket administration and the country's ruling party has raised concerns about the politicization of the sport. The situation was further highlighted during the 2025 Asia Cup, which took place against the backdrop of a brief war between India and Pakistan. The tensions led to players from the two countries refusing to shake hands during their matches. Booth pointed out that Pakistan Cricket Board chairman Mohsin Naqvi stated, 'politics and sport can't go together', yet Naqvi himself was also his country's interior minister, illustrating the blurred lines between politics and sports administration. India's dominance in cricket has also been showcased through symbolic actions, such as when India captain Suryakumar Yadav dedicated a victory over Pakistan to the armed forces. Furthermore, Prime Minister Narendra Modi used cricket as a metaphor for military operations, stating after India's victory over Pakistan in the final: 'Operation Sindoor on the games field. Outcome is the same – India wins!' This rhetoric drew parallels between sports victories and military successes, further underscoring the intertwining of sports and politics. The influence of Indian cricket administration has also had ripple effects on other cricketing nations. For example, Bangladesh fast bowler Mustafizur Rahman was released from a $1m deal with the Indian Premier League (IPL) franchise Kolkata Knight Riders amid rising tensions between India and Bangladesh. This led to a chain of events that resulted in Bangladesh's removal from this year's men's T20 World Cup after their government refused to let them travel to India. Wisden's criticism concludes that the governance of cricket is becoming increasingly 'Orwellian', where Indian exceptionalism is asserted without acknowledging the consequences, and those affected by these actions are blamed. The publication calls for a clearer recognition of the problems caused by the politicization of cricket and a move towards a more independent and fair governance structure.

Millions of Indians have cast their votes in local elections in two states and a federally-governed territory, marking a crucial test of support for Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The elections, held in Assam, Kerala, and the Union Territory of Puducherry, are part of five key contests scheduled this month. Voting was held on Thursday, with results due on May 4. Prime Minister Modi appealed to people to exercise their franchise in large numbers, stating, “I hope that the state’s youth and women voters participate enthusiastically and make this election a celebration of democracy and public duty.” In Assam, a BJP-led alliance has ruled the northeastern state for two successive terms and is expected to retain power. However, the BJP did not field any Muslim candidate in Assam, where the community constitutes more than 34 percent of the state’s population. In Kerala, parties opposed to the BJP are set to win, as power traditionally alternates between alliances led by the Indian National Congress and the communist parties. Modi’s party has struggled to gain ground in the state but has invested heavily to expand its presence. The elections are also crucial for opposition parties seeking to build a sustained challenge to the BJP’s dominance across the country. The outcome could show whether Modi’s party can extend its dominance by making inroads into opposition strongholds.

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

In the run-up to the state assembly election in Assam, India, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is employing a strategy that combines Hindu nationalism with welfare schemes to woo voters.The party, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been accused of pursuing a hardline Hindu supremacist agenda in Assam, coupled with a xenophobic campaign targeting the state's Muslim population, which constitutes 34% of Assam's 31 million people.At a recent election rally in Morigaon district, BJP leaders highlighted the welfare schemes launched by Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma's government, including a direct benefit transfer scheme called Orunodoi, which provides financial aid to women. Nitin Nabin, the BJP's national president, claimed these schemes benefited the Assamese people, especially women.The BJP's strategy in Assam has been described as a 'cocktail of Hindutva and welfarism' by Akhil Ranjan Dutta, a political science professor at Assam's Gauhati University. 'The BJP is experimenting with a brand of Hindutva by co-opting Indigenous armed struggle and cultural nationalism, while solidifying Hindu identity and othering the Bengali Muslims.'The party's election promises have heightened anxiety among Bengali-speaking Muslims, who fear more crackdowns on their community, including a proposal to implement a Uniform Civil Code, which critics say will override Muslim personal laws.Opposition parties and analysts argue that the BJP is mainly milking two cash transfer schemes – Orunodoi and Udyamita – to influence voters in this election. Economist Joydeep Baruah estimates that at least 10 to 15% of the scheme's four million women beneficiaries could vote for the BJP.The BJP's tactics have been criticized by opposition parties and human rights groups, who accuse the party of vote buying and polarizing the electorate along communal lines.