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The recent two-week ceasefire announced by US President Donald Trump in the war on Iran has sent shockwaves through Israel. The move has been met with criticism from Israel's opposition leader, Yair Lapid, who called it one of the greatest 'political disasters in all of our history'. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's office issued a statement supporting the US decision, claiming that 'Iran no longer poses a nuclear, missile and terror threat to America, Israel, Iran's Arab neighbours and the world.' However, Netanyahu's war aims of preventing 'Iran from developing nuclear weapons' and creating 'the conditions for the Iranian people so they can remove the cruel regime of tyranny' remain unachieved.Despite significant military successes over the past 40 days of attacks on Iran, neither of Netanyahu's goals has been achieved. The Iranian regime is still in place, its ballistic missile programme could be rebuilt quickly, and it still has 440kg of enriched uranium at 60 percent purity, enough for 10 bombs.Analysts say that Iran has emerged stronger as a result of the war, with key victories including the survival of the Iranian government and its decision to close the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world's key energy arteries. The ceasefire has also given Iran an opportunity to continue with newly imposed levies on ships for safe passage through the Strait.Criticism of Netanyahu's handling of the war has been swift, with Ofer Cassif of the left-wing Hadash party saying that the prime minister has 'failed politically, failed strategically, and didn't meet a single one of the goals that he himself set'. Ahron Bregman, a senior teaching fellow at the Department for War Studies at King's College London, said that 'Israel achieved almost nothing tangible' and that the ceasefire has 'strained the US relationship'.

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

Hours after Iran and the United States announced a two-week ceasefire, several Gulf nations have reported missile and drone attacks on their territories. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) said its air defences were actively engaging incoming missiles and drones from Iran.The UAE’s Defence Ministry stated that the sounds of explosions heard across the country were caused by air defence systems intercepting ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, and unmanned aerial vehicles. Kuwait also reported intercepting a wave of Iranian drones launched since 8am (05:00 GMT), with some targeting vital oil facilities, power stations, and water desalination plants, causing serious infrastructure damage.Kuwait’s Defence Ministry said it dealt with a total of 28 drones, while Bahrain’s Ministry of Interior reported alleged Iranian attacks that injured two people and damaged several houses. Explosions were heard in Bahrain’s capital, Manama, with smoke rising from an area on Sitra Island that hosts Bahrain’s principal energy facilities.Iran has not responded to the claims by the Gulf nations. Meanwhile, Iranian state television reported that an oil refinery on the country’s Lavan Island came under attack, with firefighters working to contain the blaze. The US-Iran ceasefire was agreed upon barely an hour before US President Donald Trump’s deadline to obliterate Iran was set to expire.Gulf countries have faced repeated drone and missile barrages from Iran over recent weeks in response to the US and Israeli strikes that began on February 28. Iran targeted fossil fuel infrastructure in the oil-rich Gulf nations while effectively closing the strategic Strait of Hormuz to shipping, through which one-fifth of global oil usually passes.

The temporary cease‑fire in the US‑Israel‑Iran war has given Iran and China a strategic opening to challenge the US dollar’s supremacy in global finance. Both nations share a common objective: to reduce reliance on the greenback, especially in the oil sector where, according to a 2023 JP Morgan estimate, roughly 80% of transactions are settled in dollars. In a practical step toward this goal, Iran’s de‑facto toll‑booth system in the Strait of Hormuz—a chokepoint that handles about one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments—has started accepting transit fees in Chinese yuan. Lloyd’s List reported that at least two vessels had already paid in yuan by March 25, and China’s Ministry of Commerce later acknowledged the reports on social media. Iran’s embassy in Zimbabwe even called for the introduction of a “petroyuan” to the global oil market, underscoring the political symbolism of the move. While Tehran pledged to guarantee safe passage for two weeks under a US‑brokered cease‑fire, Beijing declined to comment. Harvard economist Kenneth Rogoff told Al Jazeera that Iran’s actions serve a dual purpose: they “poke a thumb in the United States’s eye” and provide a practical alternative to dollar‑based sanctions. Rogoff added that Iran’s shift to yuan aligns with China’s broader effort to redenominate trade among BRICS nations. For both countries, the yuan offers a way to sidestep US sanctions and lower transaction costs. Their trade relationship, cemented by a 25‑year strategic partnership signed in 2021, sees China buying over 80% of Iran’s oil—often at discounted rates—while Iran imports Chinese machinery, electronics, chemicals, and industrial components. Data from Kpler and TankerTrackers indicate that, despite the conflict, Iran’s oil exports to China have remained near pre‑war levels, ranging between 12 million and 13.7 million barrels in the first two weeks of hostilities. China’s ambition to elevate the yuan is long‑standing. President Xi Jinping, in a 2024 address, expressed hope that the yuan would become a global reserve currency. Yet significant hurdles remain: the yuan is not freely convertible due to strict capital controls, and the Chinese financial system is perceived as opaque, limiting broader adoption. According to the IMF, the dollar still dominated global foreign‑exchange reserves at 57% last year, far ahead of the euro’s 20% and the yuan’s modest 2%. Cross‑border trade settled in yuan rose to 3.7% in 2024, up from under 1% in 2012, per S&P; Global—an encouraging but limited shift. Natixis chief economist Alicia Garcia‑Herrero cautioned that the Strait of Hormuz experiment adds only “incremental pressure” and that a true “de‑dollarisation” would require Gulf states, which have priced oil in dollars since the 1970s in exchange for US security guarantees. European analyst Hosuk Lee‑Makiyama highlighted that China’s ability to supply Iran with essential goods makes the yuan a viable alternative, a dynamic not possible for Europe or Japan. He described China as the closest the world has seen to a “manufacturing one‑stop shop.” Consultancy founder Dan Steinbock echoed that while the dollar’s supremacy is unlikely to crumble overnight, the gradual increase in yuan usage could “chip away” at US dominance in specific sectors over time. Rogoff concluded that the long‑term impact hinges on the war’s outcome. If Iran and China emerge stronger, many countries may diversify away from the dollar to avoid US‑imposed financial constraints. Conversely, a decisive US victory could reinforce dollar hegemony for the foreseeable future.

The documentary series 'Trust Me: The False Prophet' has shed light on the sinister activities of a polygamous Mormon cult led by Samuel Bateman, who is currently serving a 50-year sentence for luring minors into criminal sex acts.Director Rachel Dretzin, a former investigative journalist for Frontline, worked on the series, which follows a pair of documentary filmmakers, Christine Marie and Tolga Katas, who embedded themselves in Utah's Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (FLDS) community. They earned the trust of the cult members and were invited into Bateman's home, where he presided over 20 'wives', many of them underage.The filmmakers' incriminating footage and witness testimony were essential to the FBI's case against Bateman and other men charged with crimes. The series transcends the true crime genre's typical sensationalism, presenting its revelations thoughtfully and honestly.Dretzin notes that documentary filmmaking can be more effective than the legal system in effecting change, particularly in cases like this where the community is fiercely insular. The series raises questions about the ethics of documentary filmmaking and the blurred lines between observer and participant.The story also highlights the manipulation and indoctrination of young women within the cult, including Naomi, a young woman who becomes a pivotal witness. Her aunt Carole, who defected from the FLDS, shares her insights on how the cult grooms girls for exploitation.Dretzin believes that the story has echoes in our ordinary lives and political landscape, particularly in the era of 'fake news' and echo chambers. The series serves as a reminder of the dangers of closed systems and the importance of critical thinking.

British novelist Gwendoline Riley has been recognized with a $175,000 Windham-Campbell prize, one of eight writers to receive the prestigious award. Riley is celebrated for her short novels that delve into complex relationships, family tensions, and the inner lives of women. Her notable works include First Love, which was shortlisted for the Women’s prize for fiction, and My Phantoms.Riley expressed her gratitude, stating, “This is very hard for me to take in. I am more grateful than I can say. This unimagined vote of confidence will not go wasted on me.” Her work has been praised for recasting ordinary lives into something remarkable and new. Clare Clark noted in a review of her latest novel, The Palm House, that Riley is “the laureate of disconnection, her bone-dry humour edged with the vertiginous lurch of despair.”The Windham-Campbell prizes, which award $1.4 million annually, aim to support writers by providing financial security, allowing them to focus on their work without financial pressures. Michael Kelleher, director of the Windham-Campbell prizes, emphasized that the arts face significant challenges, and this grant offers writers “the time, space and creative freedom to think, write and nurture their talent.”Other recipients of the prize include S Shakthidharan, an Australian playwright known for his multigenerational epic Counting and Cracking; Adam Ehrlich Sachs, an American writer recognized for his exploration of the history of knowledge; and Lucy Sante, a Belgian-born American writer celebrated for her memoir I Heard Her Call My Name: A Memoir of Transition.

Stephen Fry opened his appearance on ITV’s The Assembly with a startling question: “You tried to kill yourself a couple of times. Are you happy to be alive now?” The boldness set the tone for a conversation that veered far from the usual celebrity‑friendly script.The programme distinguishes itself by placing a well‑known guest in front of a panel of young adults with neurodivergence or learning disabilities. Free from the conventional safeguards of mainstream talk shows, the panel asks questions that are simultaneously unconventional and deeply human, prompting guests to respond without the usual rehearsed veneer.For Fry, the format proved liberating. Known for translating complex ideas into accessible language, he used the platform to discuss suicidal ideation, likening the experience to the lingering memory of a broken limb—painful yet now distant. This candidness allowed him to reaffirm why he remains a cultural touchstone.One of the most memorable moments came when a participant asked, “I read that you are bipolar. One of my family has that. How can I help them?” Fry responded with a vivid analogy, describing bipolar disorder as a “rainstorm raging inside you—eventually the sun returns, and it’s the weather, not the person, that changes.” This explanation resonated as both compassionate and educational.The interview oscillated between gravitas and levity. Fry fielded whimsical queries such as “Can you help me meet Céline Dion?” and “How much have you spent on cocaine?” alongside the probing “Are you a top or a bottom?” The juxtaposition amplified the emotional weight of the serious topics.At one point, a young panelist named Luca chose not to ask a question, instead performing William Wordsworth’s poem “The World Is Too Much With Us” with theatrical flair—a rare blend of poetry and performance that underscored the show’s experimental spirit.Another highlight involved Jacob, a panel member who brandished a list of Fry’s past advertising gigs—Heineken, Twinings, Honda, and more—before delivering the punchline, “Is there anything you wouldn’t do for money?” The extended joke built a collective laugh that softened the subsequent, more probing inquiries.Critics have likened the show’s tone to a hybrid of Radio 4’s In the Psychiatrist’s Chair and the cheeky, irreverent style of classic British comedy interviews such as those with Dame Edna Everage or Mrs Merton, creating a unique space where vulnerability and humor coexist.The episode concluded with Nina Simone’s “I Wish I Knew How It Would Feel to Be Free” playing as Fry reflected on his experiences with antisemitism and bipolar disorder. Moved by the music, he rose and danced, offering a visual testament to the therapeutic power of the format.The Assembly aired on ITV1 and is now available for streaming on ITVX.

The vastness of space has always been a profound source of inspiration and terror for humanity. The recent launch of the Artemis II space mission brought this into sharp focus, as the tiny Orion craft and its four-person crew drifted silently through the void, further and further from home. This sense of cosmic isolation is a feeling that video games have long sought to capture.In his autobiography, Apollo astronaut Michael Collins described the experience of being left alone in the command module while Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin walked on the moon: 'I am alone now, truly alone, and absolutely isolated from any known life. I am it. If a count were taken, the score would be three billion plus two over on the other side of the moon, and one plus God knows what on this side.'Games like Elite, No Man's Sky, and Outer Wilds have attempted to evoke this sense of solitude and vulnerability. Outer Wilds thrusts players into a time loop on a doomed planetary system, while Xenonauts 2 challenges players to manage Earth's defenses against alien invaders. These games, and others like them, concentrate not on generational starships or laser wars, but on small crews in tiny pods, the weight of the universe stacked against them in the dark.Other notable mentions include Alien: Isolation, Freelancer, Homeworld, and Out There, which all capture the minimalist elements of space travel – often just isolated noises and details. As Tracey McGarrigan noted, even classic games like Solaris on the Atari 2600 managed to evoke a sense of loneliness and awe.For those interested in exploring these themes further, the article recommends checking out Xenonauts 2, available on PC, with an estimated playtime of over 30 hours.

Copenhagen returns to the London stage under Michael Longhurst’s direction at Hampstead Theatre, a timing the reviewer calls “terrifyingly timely.” The three‑hander dramatizes the 1941 encounter between Danish physicist Niels Bohr (played by Richard Schiff) and German scientist Werner Heisenberg (Damien Molony), set against the looming threat of Hitler’s nuclear ambitions. The production draws unsettling parallels to contemporary politics, invoking Donald Trump’s recent threats toward Iran as a modern echo of the era’s extremist rhetoric. This resonance, the reviewer notes, amplifies the play’s relevance alongside the theatre’s downstairs offering, ROI (Return on Investment), which also interrogates the morality of scientific discovery. Visually, Joanna Scotcher’s set is a striking, non‑realist circle surrounded by water—a subtle nod to the “heavy water” used in Nazi nuclear research and a poignant reminder of the personal tragedy that befell one of Bohr’s sons. The second half’s dense scientific dialogue is rendered accessible, though the reviewer argues it sometimes falls short of fully unpacking the deeper metaphors embedded in the science. Performance-wise, the age gap between Bohr and Heisenberg (Bohr being sixteen years senior) hampers the on‑stage chemistry. Schiff’s portrayal of the seasoned Bohr occasionally stumbles over lines, while Molony’s Heisenberg comes across as a brooding, almost adolescent figure. In contrast, Alex Kingston’s turn as Bohr’s wife and editor, Margrethe, provides the emotional core, shouldering much of the play’s affective weight. Thematically, the drama wrestles with the question of whether scientists bear a moral duty beyond their research. Heisenberg’s famed uncertainty principle is employed as a metaphor for the psychological ambiguity surrounding their historic meeting. Yet the script conspicuously omits any direct reference to the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, focusing instead on the fear of a Nazi atomic weapon and sidestepping the United States’ own nuclear legacy. While the production boasts compelling aesthetics and a thought‑provoking premise, the reviewer finds moments of sluggish pacing and a missed opportunity to confront the irony of overlooking the U.S. bombings, especially as contemporary concerns about American military assertiveness rise. The show runs at Hampstead Theatre, London until 2 May.