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The Democratic National Committee's recent meeting in New Orleans ended with little to celebrate for supporters of Palestine and an end to the genocide in Gaza. Despite 77% of Democrats agreeing that 'Israel is committing genocide' in a Quinnipiac Poll last summer, and an NBC poll finding that registered Democrats are more sympathetic toward Palestinians than Israelis by a margin of 67-17%, the DNC refused to give any ground.The party's resolutions committee quickly discarded a pair of resolutions critical of Israel, one urging 'an immediate and permanent ceasefire in Gaza and the Occupied Palestinian Territory' and the other opposing 'military actions that endanger civilians or exacerbate repression' in Iran. These resolutions were shunted aside to a Middle East working group, which has scarcely met since its announcement last August.Halie Soifer, CEO of the Jewish Democratic Council of America, praised the DNC's 'rejection of two resolutions related to Israel', calling them 'out of step with the policies of the Democratic party'. This stance has been criticized as out of touch with the party's base, with Kirsten Gillibrand's claim that 'nine out of 10 Democrats are pro-Israel' being met with skepticism.The DNC's actions have been seen as a manifestation of an 'anachronistic time warp', with party leaders severely out of touch with what most Democrats currently believe about Israel. This disconnect erodes the Democratic base and indicates a level of 'moral incompetence' among decision-makers.Ben Rhodes, a former deputy national security adviser to Barack Obama, identified a 'fatal blind spot within American liberalism, a devaluation of human life itself' that aptly describes the foreign policy mentality atop the Democratic party. The DNC's actions have been criticized for ignoring the views of Democratic voters on Israel, potentially harming the party's base and alienating many.

"Bloody unacceptable" – those were the words of UN humanitarian chief Denise Brown as she condemned the failure to halt a war that has now entered its fourth year. The conflict, which began with rival generals overthrowing Sudan’s civilian leadership, has eclipsed global crises in Ukraine, Gaza and Iran, yet remains largely ignored. The Berlin‑hosted international conference aims to inject urgency into a situation where tens of thousands have been killed, four million have fled abroad, and millions more are internally displaced. Roughly 30 million Sudanese – more than half the population – now face acute food insecurity, and large swathes of Khartoum lie in ruins. Violence has not abated. The paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), led by Gen. Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, have established a rival administration in western Sudan. In the siege of El Fasher, an estimated 10,000 civilians were massacred – a UN mission described the atrocity as bearing the hallmarks of genocide. Both the RSF and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) under Gen. Abdel Fattah al‑Burhan have deliberately targeted civilians, carried out summary executions, tortured detainees and increasingly employed drones to devastate urban areas. Gen. Burhan, whose government enjoys international recognition, refuses any compromise, insisting the RSF must first disarm and retreat to camps before any national dialogue. The RSF, meanwhile, demands a new federal system and the removal of Islamist elements – a stance that directly challenges Burhan’s coalition. In September, a US‑led mediation team that included Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Egypt outlined a tentative roadmap: a humanitarian truce leading to a cease‑fire and subsequent political talks. Yet the United States has shown little appetite to prioritize Sudan, and the plan sidestepped the most contentious issues. The deeper scandal, according to diplomats and analysts, is the role of external actors in sustaining the war. Despite denials, the UAE is widely reported as the principal backer of the RSF, while Saudi Arabia and Egypt back Burhan’s forces. Recent Yale research points to Ethiopian collusion with the RSF, raising fears of a broader regional conflagration. European states, which previously funded Sudanese security to curb migration, have inadvertently strengthened the RSF and supplied weapons now used on the battlefield. The ongoing Iran‑Israel conflict further hampers relief efforts, inflating costs and limiting aid deliveries. Community kitchens that once fed countless families are disappearing – more than 40 % have closed in the past six months. The Berlin delegates must therefore boost support for Sudan’s grassroots mutual‑aid networks, but humanitarian assistance cannot replace a durable peace. Pressure on the UAE and other geopolitically motivated actors is essential if the international community hopes to halt the suffering of millions of Sudanese.

Israeli ambassador to Germany Ron Prosor publicly rebuked far‑right finance minister Bezalel Smotrich for a recent tirade aimed at Chancellor Friedrich Merz, stating that the remarks “erode the memory of the Holocaust.”Smotrich invoked Nazi‑era language, claiming Merz should bow and apologize repeatedly, and likened the Hamas attackers of October 7, 2023 to all Palestinians, prompting widespread condemnation.The controversy follows Merz’s outspoken criticism of Israel’s settlement expansion in the occupied West Bank and his call for a halt to Israeli military exports that could be used in Gaza, underscoring a deepening diplomatic rift.Prosor stressed that political debate with Germany is legitimate but affirmed that Merz remains “a great friend of Israel” and that Germany continues to be Israel’s “number one friend” despite occasional disagreements.Berlin frames Israel’s security as a cornerstone of its post‑Holocaust foreign policy, yet recent months have seen Israeli officials bristling at even cautious German criticism, especially regarding settlement projects and the prospect of a de facto annexation of the West Bank.Senior analyst Mairav Zonszein of the International Crisis Group warned that Israel’s repeated attacks on German statements defending Palestinian rights risk alienating its strongest European ally, urging Berlin to reassess its support for policies that conflict with its own human‑rights standards.

The arrest of Ahmed Shihab-Eldin, a Kuwaiti national and US-born journalist, has sparked fears about the erosion of free speech in Kuwait and the wider Middle East. Shihab-Eldin, who has worked for prominent outlets like PBS, HuffPost, and Al Jazeera English, was detained on March 3 during a visit to Kuwait. Shihab-Eldin's reporting focused on a friendly fire incident on March 2, where Kuwaiti air defenses shot down three US planes, fortunately without any pilot casualties. He published footage of a US F-15E Strike Eagle crashing in al Jahra, west of Kuwait City, and described local residents assisting the crew in a civilian truck. Campaigners worry that Shihab-Eldin might face charges under new security laws being introduced in Kuwait, possibly in a new security court. These laws have been criticized for restricting publicity about attacks on infrastructure and allowing the government to label certain reporting as terrorism. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has expressed concern over Shihab-Eldin's detention, highlighting a broader trend of escalating censorship of journalists and news outlets across the world related to the Iran war. Sara Qudah, CPJ's Middle East regional director, stated, 'We are seeing escalating censorship of journalists and news outlets across the world in relation to the Iran war... He must be freed immediately.' Kuwait has recently passed laws that define terrorism broadly and propose significant fines and sentences for publishing statements that could weaken confidence in military entities. The country has also been using citizenship laws to expel alleged dissidents and has withdrawn visas for Iraqi citizens following protests. The detention of Shihab-Eldin and these new laws reflect a wider crackdown on dissent in Kuwait and the Gulf region. Critics argue that these measures are transforming Kuwait into a police state that suppresses dissenting opinions and imprisons those who express them.

The increasing adoption of artificial intelligence (AI) in the workplace is having an unintended consequence: the creation of 'workslop'. Workslop refers to the flawed or inaccurate work generated by AI that needs to be heavily corrected, cleaned up, or completely redone. This phenomenon is causing frustration and decreased productivity among employees, who are often pressured by their employers to use AI to produce more work.Ken, a copywriter for a large cybersecurity firm, is one example of an employee struggling with workslop. After his company implemented AI chatbots, Ken found that the initial drafts were easy to create, but the rewriting and correction process was time-consuming and laborious. In fact, Ken and his coworkers had to spend more time rewriting and correcting errors than if they had never used AI at all.A recent survey of 5,000 white-collar US workers found a significant disconnect between employees and executives when it comes to AI. While 92% of high-level executives believe that AI makes them more productive, 40% of non-managers say that AI saves them no time at all. This disparity highlights the challenges of implementing AI in the workplace and the need for clearer mandates and use cases.The driving force behind workslop is complex and multifaceted. Companies have invested billions in enterprise AI, and some have laid off human workers, attributing the cuts to AI's potential productivity. However, workers who remain feel pressured to use AI to produce more work, often with little guidance or training. This has led to a situation where employees are outsourcing judgment to chatbots, with unclear consequences.Researchers have found that 40% of workers encounter workslop within a month, and spend an average of 3.4 hours a month dealing with it. This translates to significant lost productivity and costs for organizations. To address this issue, experts recommend that companies provide clearer mandates and use cases for AI, as well as more worker input and control over how the technology is used.

A 20‑year‑old Texas man has been formally charged after surveillance footage captured him hurling a molotov cocktail at the San Francisco home of OpenAI CEO Sam Altman and attempting to ignite the AI firm’s headquarters.The FBI affidavit, filed in federal court on Monday, identifies the suspect as Daniel Moreno‑Gama. Police say he traveled from Texas to California, carrying multiple incendiary devices, kerosene and a lighter, before the arrest.Moreno‑Gama was also found with a self‑authored “anti‑AI” manifesto that prosecutors cite as evidence of motive. The document contained explicit threats toward Altman, prompting U.S. Attorney Craig Missakian to warn that, if the evidence shows an intent to influence public policy or coerce officials, the case will be pursued as domestic terrorism.He faces charges of attempted damage and destruction of property by means of explosives and possession of an unregistered firearm. Conviction could result in a mandatory minimum of five years, up to 20 years for the explosives count, and up to 10 years for the firearm charge.The incident adds to growing scrutiny of OpenAI’s role in national security, especially amid debate over a proposed U.S. government deal to deploy its artificial‑intelligence technology in classified military operations.Authorities recovered several incendiary devices at the scene, and court records indicate Moreno‑Gama told security personnel at the headquarters that he intended to burn the building and harm its occupants.

National Gas announced that the United Kingdom will have enough gas to satisfy summer demand despite recent tensions in the Strait of Hormuz. The network, which runs the country’s gas pipelines, says domestic and Norwegian supplies will cover the low‑usage months, meaning liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports will be minimal this summer. The real challenge lies ahead. While renewable rollout is accelerating, gas will remain a core part of the UK’s energy mix for at least the next two decades. It accounts for about 37% of total gas consumption in 2024, with domestic heating being the largest single use. Replacing millions of boilers with heat pumps cannot happen quickly, especially given the current sluggish pace. Government plans for 2030 still require the full 35 GW of gas‑fired generation capacity to stay online as backup. Energy department data released in early 2025 showed gas demand “broadly stable” for the third consecutive year, representing roughly half of the nation’s 75.2% fossil‑fuel dependency. In the debate over new North Sea drilling licences, the key question is where future gas will come from. Oxford energy economist Sir Dieter Helm, speaking on a Chatham House podcast, warned that gas will dominate the energy supply for the next decade or two and that the cheapest, least polluting option is pipeline gas—not LNG. Analysis from Wood Mackenzie confirms this hierarchy. Pipeline gas from modern Norwegian platforms has the lowest carbon intensity, followed by UK North Sea pipelines. By contrast, LNG adds significant emissions during liquefaction and regasification, and US LNG is the most carbon‑intensive because much of it originates from shale gas with higher methane leakage. Wood Mackenzie’s import forecasts to 2045 paint a stark picture: if domestic production wanes, the UK could rely on US LNG for over 60% of its total gas supply by 2035. The firm notes that Middle‑East gas is geared toward Asian markets, while US cargoes are increasingly directed to Europe, raising concerns about over‑reliance on a single supplier. These projections underpin the argument for expanding UK North Sea extraction. More domestic drilling would reduce dependence on US LNG—a geopolitical risk given the United States’ tendency to use energy as a foreign‑policy lever—and would also lower the overall carbon footprint of the gas supply chain. Critics often claim that North Sea output is exported, so it does not improve national security. Two counter‑points are clear: first, gas delivered directly via pipeline to the UK network is inherently more secure than trans‑Atlantic cargoes; second, the UK could negotiate long‑term, fixed‑price contracts with producers, a model that worked well in the early days of North Sea development. None of this diminishes the importance of renewables and nuclear power. Electrification remains the long‑term goal, but gas will stay in the energy basket for years to come. Offshore Energies UK estimates that, with a pragmatic licensing approach, reliance on LNG could be limited to 6% of total gas supplies by 2035. Assuming political stalemate eases, the pending approval of the Jackdaw field—accounting for roughly 6% of current domestic production—could spark a more nuanced debate about the UK’s gas procurement strategy, moving beyond the simplistic “renewables vs. gas” narrative. Reflecting on the recent Iran‑UK conflict, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak highlighted the need for “secure, homegrown energy”. The logical follow‑up is twofold: accelerate electrification to cut gas demand, and while gas remains essential, avoid turning the UK into an “energy prisoner of the US”. Beyond the geopolitical and environmental benefits, expanding North Sea output would also support jobs, tax revenue, and the balance of payments.

The Philippines has made a grave accusation against China, claiming that Chinese boats were found with cyanide near the disputed Second Thomas Shoal in the South China Sea. Laboratory tests confirmed the presence of the toxic substance in bottles seized by the Philippine navy last year. Security officials warned that the cyanide could have severe consequences for marine life and potentially weaken the reef that supports a warship Manila grounded on the atoll to reinforce its maritime claim. The use of cyanide is seen as a form of sabotage aimed at killing local fish populations and depriving navy personnel of a vital food source. Cornelio Valencia, spokesperson for the National Security Council, emphasized that the cyanide could damage the reef and compromise the stability of the warship. In response, China's Foreign Ministry dismissed the Philippines' assertions as a 'stunt,' accusing Manila of illegally harassing Chinese fishing boats and staging the incident. The incident is part of a broader maritime dispute between China and the Philippines, with China claiming nearly all of the South China Sea, including areas claimed by other nations. The dispute has led to several confrontations, including a violent incident on June 17, 2024, where a Filipino sailor lost a finger. The Philippines also accused Chinese coastguard ships of firing water cannons at Filipino fishermen in December 2025, injuring three people and damaging two fishing vessels. Despite these tensions, China and the Philippines held high-level talks last month to explore preliminary steps towards oil and gas cooperation and confidence-building measures at sea. However, the Philippine Foreign Ministry noted that the scope of coastguard cooperation would be limited and did not include joint patrols. The South China Sea is a critical waterway, with over $3 trillion in annual ship-borne commerce traveling through it. A 2016 ruling by an international arbitral tribunal found China's sweeping claims had no basis under international law, a decision China rejects.

Senator Bernie Sanders declared on Monday that he will force a vote later this week on a resolution designed to stop the sale of nearly $500 million in bombs and bulldozers to the Israeli military. The procedural maneuver bypasses the Senate majority leader, signaling a direct challenge to the administration’s policy of unconditional support for Israel.Sanders framed the measure as a response to what he described as the "extremist Netanyahu government" responsible for alleged genocide in Gaza, arguing that American taxpayers should not fund further military operations that exacerbate civilian suffering.While the Republican‑controlled Senate is unlikely to approve the resolution, the vote will serve as a barometer of Democratic sentiment toward Israel, especially as anger over the U.S.–Israel war on Iran and ongoing atrocities in Gaza and the West Bank intensifies.Last year, Sanders introduced a comparable bill that was defeated 27‑70. At that time, a majority of Senate Democrats had supported the effort, reflecting an erosion of the once‑solid bipartisan consensus backing Israel.Public opinion data underscores this shift: a February Gallup poll found that only 46 % of Americans hold favourable views of Israel, and a mere 17 % of Democratic respondents say they sympathise more with Israelis than Palestinians.Since the conflict began, the United States has provided Israel with over $21 billion in military assistance during the first two years of the Gaza war, a figure that critics argue fuels continued violence.Adding pressure from the advocacy side, liberal Zionist organization J Street issued its first call to phase out U.S. aid to the Israeli military, citing the combined impact of the Gaza war, rising extremist activity in the West Bank, and the U.S.–Israel confrontation with Iran.J Street urged Washington to consistently apply existing legal restrictions—such as the Leahy Law—that prohibit security assistance to countries implicated in human‑rights abuses, a standard it says has been routinely overlooked in Israel’s case.The upcoming Senate vote, therefore, not only tests the durability of the U.S.–Israel security partnership but also reflects a broader reevaluation of American foreign‑policy priorities amid a volatile Middle‑East landscape.