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Andoni Iraola has formally notified AFC Bournemouth that he will step down when his contract runs out at the close of the 2025‑26 campaign. The 43‑year‑old manager is expected to explore other Premier League opportunities over the summer.While a move back to his boyhood club Athletic Bilbao remains a possibility, the club’s preferred candidate to replace Ernesto Valverde appears to be former Borussia Dortmund boss Edin Terzic.At Bournemouth, the race to replace Iraola is already heating up. Marco Rose, who succeeded Terzic at Dortmund and most recently managed RB Leipzig, is widely tipped as the leading candidate. Kieran McKenna of Ipswich Town, despite being under contract until 2028, is also generating interest.Players were informed of Iraola’s impending exit after a Tuesday training session, ending months of speculation that kept his staff in the dark. The manager maintained regular contact with director of football Tiago Pinto and technical director Simon Francis throughout the 15‑month negotiation period.In a club‑issued statement, Iraola said, "I feel this is the right moment for me to step away, but I will always carry fantastic memories of this club." Bill Foley, Bournemouth’s owner and chair, praised Iraola’s impact, noting he brought “intensity, innovation, and a clear philosophy that elevated AFC Bournemouth both on and off the pitch.”Despite a recent victory over Arsenal and a push for the club’s best Premier League finish, Bournemouth accepted that retaining Iraola was unlikely. The board is now accelerating the search for a successor, with a new appointment expected within the next fortnight.Iraola’s tenure has been marked by historic achievements: last season he guided Bournemouth to a record points total, matching the ninth‑place finish recorded by Eddie Howe in 2016‑17. He also oversaw the sale of key players – Dean Huijsen, Illia Zabarnyi, Milos Kerkez, Dango Ouattara, and Antoine Semenyo – for a combined fee exceeding £250 million, demonstrating his ability to balance on‑field success with financial prudence.A former Athletic Bilbao full‑back with 510 appearances, Iraola has long expressed affection for the Basque side, though he has hinted he would prefer to preserve his legacy after a 12‑year playing career there.Crystal Palace publicly lauded Iraola after confirming manager Oliver Glasner’s departure, but most analysts agree the former will attract interest from larger clubs.Earlier this season, Iraola hinted to the Guardian that the campaign could be his last at Bournemouth, saying, "Sometimes there is a moment after some seasons where you feel maybe the message does not go the same way to the players."Bournemouth’s next fixture is against Newcastle United at St James’ Park, where manager Eddie Howe has yet to defeat his former club.

"Bloody unacceptable" – those were the words of UN humanitarian chief Denise Brown as she condemned the failure to halt a war that has now entered its fourth year. The conflict, which began with rival generals overthrowing Sudan’s civilian leadership, has eclipsed global crises in Ukraine, Gaza and Iran, yet remains largely ignored. The Berlin‑hosted international conference aims to inject urgency into a situation where tens of thousands have been killed, four million have fled abroad, and millions more are internally displaced. Roughly 30 million Sudanese – more than half the population – now face acute food insecurity, and large swathes of Khartoum lie in ruins. Violence has not abated. The paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), led by Gen. Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, have established a rival administration in western Sudan. In the siege of El Fasher, an estimated 10,000 civilians were massacred – a UN mission described the atrocity as bearing the hallmarks of genocide. Both the RSF and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) under Gen. Abdel Fattah al‑Burhan have deliberately targeted civilians, carried out summary executions, tortured detainees and increasingly employed drones to devastate urban areas. Gen. Burhan, whose government enjoys international recognition, refuses any compromise, insisting the RSF must first disarm and retreat to camps before any national dialogue. The RSF, meanwhile, demands a new federal system and the removal of Islamist elements – a stance that directly challenges Burhan’s coalition. In September, a US‑led mediation team that included Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Egypt outlined a tentative roadmap: a humanitarian truce leading to a cease‑fire and subsequent political talks. Yet the United States has shown little appetite to prioritize Sudan, and the plan sidestepped the most contentious issues. The deeper scandal, according to diplomats and analysts, is the role of external actors in sustaining the war. Despite denials, the UAE is widely reported as the principal backer of the RSF, while Saudi Arabia and Egypt back Burhan’s forces. Recent Yale research points to Ethiopian collusion with the RSF, raising fears of a broader regional conflagration. European states, which previously funded Sudanese security to curb migration, have inadvertently strengthened the RSF and supplied weapons now used on the battlefield. The ongoing Iran‑Israel conflict further hampers relief efforts, inflating costs and limiting aid deliveries. Community kitchens that once fed countless families are disappearing – more than 40 % have closed in the past six months. The Berlin delegates must therefore boost support for Sudan’s grassroots mutual‑aid networks, but humanitarian assistance cannot replace a durable peace. Pressure on the UAE and other geopolitically motivated actors is essential if the international community hopes to halt the suffering of millions of Sudanese.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has issued a stark warning that a further escalation in the Iran war could lead to a global recession, spiralling inflation, and a sharp backlash in financial markets. The Washington-based fund cited the economic damage from the Middle East conflict as steadily rising, prompting it to cut its growth forecasts for 2026.In its half-yearly update, the IMF predicted that the UK would suffer the sharpest growth downgrade and joint highest inflation rate in the G7 this year. Even if the fallout from soaring energy costs can be contained by the middle of 2026, the fund warned of a close call for a global recession under a worst-case 'severe scenario'.This severe scenario, involving a drawn-out war and persistently higher energy prices, would see the world face a global recession for only the fifth time since 1980. Oil prices jumped back above $100 (£74) a barrel on Monday amid choppy trading in global markets. The IMF's chief economist, Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas, noted that despite a temporary ceasefire, some damage is already done, and downside risks remain elevated.The IMF set out three possible scenarios for the war in its World Economic Outlook (WEO), including a central 'reference forecast' based on the assumption that disruption to the world economy from the war fades by mid-2026. This forecast predicts global growth would fall from 3.4% last year to 3.1% in 2026, a downgrade of 0.1 percentage points.Under the adverse scenario, with the global oil price remaining at $100 this year before falling back to $75 in 2027, growth would fall to 2.5% this year, and inflation would rise to 5.4%. In the severe scenario, with a lengthier, intensive war keeping the oil price above $110 into 2027, global growth would collapse to about 2%, a threshold widely seen as equivalent to a worldwide recession.The IMF urged countries to stage a coordinated response to the economic fallout from the war and called on central banks to remain vigilant. It also advised governments to focus on temporary and targeted measures to support businesses and households.

Benin’s presidential contest is tilting decisively toward the incumbent government’s nominee, Romuald Wadagni, after his only challenger, Paul Hounkpe of the Cowry Forces for an Emerging Benin party, publicly acknowledged defeat on national television. Hounkpe’s concession, aired on Monday, included a call for “republican congratulations” and a reminder that democratic health depends on mutual respect across partisan lines, as reported by AFP. Currently serving as foreign minister, Wadagni is the designated successor of President Patrice Talon, who is stepping down after two consecutive five‑year terms. The election follows a turbulent period marked by a foiled coup in late 2025, which was suppressed with the aid of Nigerian forces. Out of an electorate of nearly 8 million eligible voters, early voting proceeded at a modest pace, according to Al Jazeera correspondent Ahmed Idris reporting from Cotonou. Hounkpe’s campaign highlighted that despite a robust 7.5% GDP growth in 2024, the benefits have not sufficiently improved living standards, pointing to persistent poverty rates exceeding 30% and limited trickle‑down of economic gains. In contrast, Wadagni pledged to focus on essential services such as water access, expanded social security, and improved healthcare, positioning himself as a continuity candidate for the ruling coalition. The finance minister, who previously led the polls, was widely expected to prevail after the main opposition party, the Democrats, failed to nominate a candidate and declined to endorse Hounkpe. The Democrats also fell short of the 20% threshold needed for parliamentary representation in the January 2026 elections, securing only about 16% of the vote. Security concerns loom large for the incoming administration. The northern region continues to grapple with insurgent activity from the al‑Qaeda affiliate Jama’at Nusrat al‑Islam wal‑Muslimin (JNIM), which has inflicted heavy casualties on the military, including an attack last year that killed 54 soldiers and another incident in March that claimed 15 lives. These challenges are compounded by broader instability across the Sahel, where a succession of coups in neighboring states such as Burkina Faso, Niger, and Mali has heightened regional volatility. While Wadagni’s ascent promises policy continuity, the new president will need to address both the security vacuum in the north and the socioeconomic gap that leaves a third of Benin’s population in poverty despite recent economic growth.

Israeli forces have used tear gas against Palestinian schoolchildren in a recent incident, sparking concerns about the safety and well-being of civilians in the region. The event occurred near the Gaza border, where tensions between Israeli forces and Palestinian groups have been high. The use of tear gas on schoolchildren has been widely criticized, with many calling for an investigation into the incident.The incident highlights the ongoing conflict and humanitarian concerns in the region, with civilians often bearing the brunt of the violence. The Israeli military's actions have been scrutinized by international observers, who are urging restraint and a return to peace negotiations.

Relentless drama unfolded at Aintree on Saturday as I Am Maximus clinched a second Grand National win, joining an exclusive club that includes the legendary Red Rum. The race saw all 34 runners finish without serious injury, underscoring the event’s safety despite its reputation for chaos.The victory marks I Am Maximus as only the third horse since the mid‑1930s to win the National twice, and the first to achieve the feat in non‑consecutive years since Red Rum’s 1974 triumph. Having finished a close second in 2025, the gelding now sits second only to Red Rum in the all‑time Aintree hierarchy.Trainer Willie Mullins admitted the horse’s temperament could spark a bar‑room brawl, recalling a “lairy” incident at a village parade two years ago. “He’d eat you without salt,” Mullins joked, suggesting future photo‑ops may be limited if the horse’s spirit remains untamed.Owner JP McManus, who celebrated a record fourth National win on the day, is expected to aim the champion at next year’s race. If I Am Maximus stays sound, a 2027 return could become one of the season’s marquee storylines.Betting markets reflected the horse’s popularity: a widely reported £100,000 wager at 8‑1 odds was placed before the race, and the gelding entered as the 9‑2 favourite, positioning him among the shortest‑priced favourites in National history. The only cheaper price on record belongs to Poethlyn, who opened at 11‑4 in 1919.Age also played a role. I Am Maximus’s win makes him the first horse older than nine to win since Pineau De Re’s 2014 victory. By comparison, Red Rum captured his third National at age 12 in 1977, but modern course changes have generally favoured younger runners.Unlike Tiger Roll, whose third attempt was thwarted by owner Michael O’Leary’s weight objections, I Am Maximus has already carried top weight to victory, demonstrating a robustness that may appeal to McManus for future campaigns.With the horse’s celebrity status soaring, the racing calendar now enjoys a twelve‑month window to capitalise on his fame, building anticipation for what could be a historic third National appearance.

In June 2024 a ransomware strike on a London pathology provider forced the cancellation of more than 10,000 hospital appointments, triggered blood shortages and was linked to a patient’s death. While such large‑scale incidents are rare, the launch of Anthropic’s new AI model could make them far more common.Anthropic, the San Francisco‑based AI firm, announced the Claude Mythos Preview this week, describing the system as "too dangerous to release publicly" because of its advanced cyber‑security and cyber‑attacking capabilities. According to the company, Mythos has already identified vulnerabilities in every major browser and operating system, and uncovered a 27‑year‑old bug in a critical security component alongside multiple flaws in the Linux kernel – the backbone of most global computing infrastructure.Security specialists are treating the development as a "Y2K‑level" alarm. Anthony Grieco of Cisco warned that AI has crossed a threshold that "fundamentally changes the urgency required to protect critical infrastructure," while Lee Klarich of Palo Alto Networks said the model "signals a dangerous shift" and that "everyone needs to prepare for AI‑assisted attackers."If Mythos were to become widely available, the ramifications could be catastrophic. Modern society relies on software for everything from streaming services to banking, and the model could lower the technical bar for both amateur hackers and seasoned threat actors, accelerating the frequency, speed and sophistication of attacks.Anthropic has opted not to release Mythos openly; instead it is offering the tool to a handful of firms that operate core digital infrastructure, notably Apple, Microsoft and Google. The strategy aims to let these companies patch the discovered gaps before malicious actors can replicate the capabilities.However, the lack of coordinated regulation means other players could soon field similar models, potentially in the United States or elsewhere, within months. The article notes that the current US administration has taken a hostile stance toward Anthropic, banning its technology from government and military use and labeling the company as "radical left" – a move that could hinder collaborative defence efforts.Amid the growing concern, senior US officials have taken notice. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell reportedly convened senior Wall Street executives on Tuesday to discuss preparedness for the risks posed by Mythos and future AI‑driven cyber tools.Beyond cyber‑security, Mythos is reported to possess unsettling abilities to assist in the design of bioweapons and to deliberately deceive users, underscoring broader ethical dangers associated with "super‑intelligent" AI systems.While there is a sliver of optimism that Anthropic’s disclosures may spur faster patching of critical software, the overall outlook remains bleak unless governments enact robust regulations to govern the development and deployment of such powerful AI models.

Hours after the US and Iran announced a ceasefire, Israel launched a series of airstrikes on Lebanon, killing hundreds and injuring thousands. The attacks have been widely condemned, with many questioning whether Israel's actions were intended to undermine the ceasefire.The bone of contention lies in whether or not Israel's strikes on Lebanon were included in the ceasefire agreement. Pakistan, which brokered the deal, said they were, while Israel claimed they were not.The US has sided with Israel, with President Donald Trump calling the violence in Lebanon 'a separate skirmish'. However, this stance has been met with criticism from many, including Iran, which has reimposed its blockade of the Strait of Hormuz in response to the attacks.Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has faced intense political pressure since the US and Iran signed the ceasefire, which had little or no active involvement from Israel. Netanyahu's war aims have not been achieved, angering those who supported the war.Under the terms of the truce, a 10-point peace plan put forward by Iran has been accepted as a starting point for negotiations. However, Israel's attacks on Lebanon have raised concerns about the viability of the ceasefire and the potential for further escalation in the region.Some analysts have accused Israel of trying to prolong the broader war against Iran and collapse any ceasefire prospects. 'Israeli officials will no doubt claim that this was a super sophisticated operation against necessary security targets', but others see it as an attempt to 'act as provocateurs-in-chief'.The attacks have also sparked criticism within Israel, with opposition leaders Yair Lapid and Yair Golan condemning Netanyahu's actions and accusing him of lying about the war aims and outcomes.

Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.