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Israel’s parliament has approved a law that authorises the death penalty solely for Palestinians convicted in West Bank military courts for what the courts define as "terrorism" killings of Israelis. The measure was greeted with celebration by far‑right politicians, yet it has drawn swift rebuke from the United Nations human‑rights chief, who warned it could constitute a war crime, and from a broad coalition of international observers.Israeli rights organisations argue that the law is the latest manifestation of an apartheid‑style legal framework that systematically privileges Jewish citizens while imposing severe penalties on Palestinians. They contend that such legislation entrenches a system of codified discrimination that has evolved since the state’s founding.Under the new rule, military tribunals in the occupied West Bank – which exclusively try Palestinians – will, by default, impose the death sentence on anyone found guilty of an unlawful killing of Israelis classified as terrorism. In contrast, Israeli citizens charged with comparable offences in the same territory are tried in civilian courts, where the death penalty is not applied.Statistics underscore the disparity: conviction rates for Palestinians in military courts hover at an astonishing 99.74%, whereas Israelis tried for crimes committed in the West Bank have a conviction rate of roughly 3% between 2005 and 2024. These figures highlight the stark imbalance in judicial outcomes.Arab‑Israeli lawmaker Aida Touma‑Suleiman of the Hadash party expressed her dismay, leaving the parliamentary chamber after the vote and stating she anticipated “scenes of happiness” from far‑right figures but was “painful” to see the public echo the same sentiment.The law follows a series of statutes that critics say have progressively eroded Palestinian rights, including the 1950 Absentees’ Property Law, the 2003 Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, and the 2018 Nation‑State Law, which enshrines Jewish supremacy in identity, settlement policy, and constitutional hierarchy while marginalising Arabic.Human‑rights advocate Yair Dvir of B’Tselem described Israel as an “apartheid regime,” noting that a “whole set of laws” differentiate between Jews and Palestinians and that the death‑penalty legislation is less an outlier than a logical extension of existing policies that deny Palestinians the right to life.Analysts argue that the dehumanisation of Palestinians has deepened to the point where capital punishment can be enacted with minimal dissent and even public celebration by parliamentarians.Physician‑rights activist Tirza Leibowitz of Physicians for Human Rights – Israel warned that the law exemplifies a broader pattern of violations, ranging from inhumane prison conditions to a legal system that often refuses to investigate crimes against Palestinians or actively shields abusive practices.She cited the unresolved deaths of more than 100 Palestinians in the West Bank since the October 2023 Gaza conflict, highlighting the case of 17‑year‑old Walid Ahmad, whose death by starvation in custody was ruled “undeterminable” by an Israeli judge, as evidence of the low value placed on Palestinian lives.Leibowitz also pointed to the recent dropping of charges against soldiers accused of sexual abuse at Sde Temain prison, noting that far‑right protesters, including lawmakers, rallied in support of the accused, further normalising systemic abuse.Touma‑Suleiman linked the new law to the 2018 Nation‑State legislation, recalling a confrontation with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in which he dismissed her criticism, insisting Israel remains “the Middle East’s only democracy.” She later observed that far‑right leader Itamar Ben‑Gvir has openly chanted “Death to Arabs,” rebranding it as “Death to terrorists,” thereby blurring the line between extremist rhetoric and state policy.Overall, the death‑penalty law is being portrayed by critics as a stark illustration of an entrenched apartheid system, raising serious questions about Israel’s adherence to international legal standards and the future of Palestinian rights under occupation.

The countdown at Kennedy Space Center is in its final stages for the Artemis II launch, the first crewed lunar mission since 1972. NASA Associate Administrator Amit Kshatriya confirmed after a Monday management meeting that the mission is cleared for a Wednesday liftoff. Launch window: A two‑hour window opens at 6:24 pm (22:24 GMT) on Wednesday, with daily two‑hour windows remaining available until April 6. The launch can proceed only when the moon’s position, orbital trajectories, weather, and Earth’s rotation align safely. Weather outlook: Forecasts show an 80 % chance of favorable conditions, though cloud cover and high winds remain the primary concerns. The mission has already endured two major setbacks. In early February a liquid‑hydrogen leak forced a scrub, and in early March a helium‑flow issue in the upper stage halted a second attempt. NASA will stream the launch live on YouTube, where viewers can follow the vehicle from rollout to liftoff. Artemis programme overview: Artemis is NASA’s multidecade effort to return humans to the Moon, establish a sustainable presence near the lunar south pole, and eventually enable crewed missions to Mars. The program comprises five missions (Artemis I‑V). Artemis I, an uncrewed test in 2022, validated the Space Launch System (SLS) and Orion spacecraft, providing critical data for the current flight. Mission profile: Artemis II will not land; instead, its four‑person crew will perform a lunar flyby, looping around the far side before returning to Earth. The flight will test Orion’s life‑support, navigation, communications, and overall performance in deep space—conditions that cannot be fully replicated on the ground. Crew members: Reid Wiseman (Commander, 50) – veteran NASA astronaut and former ISS commander. Victor Glover (Pilot, 49) – U.S. Navy aviator, first Black astronaut assigned to a lunar mission, previously flew on SpaceX Crew‑1. Christina Koch (Mission Specialist, 47) – holds the record for the longest single spaceflight by a woman (328 days) and has extensive EVA experience. Jeremy Hansen (Mission Specialist, 50) – Canada’s first astronaut slated for a lunar mission, highlighting international collaboration. During the ten‑day journey the crew will evaluate spacecraft systems, conduct radiation and fire‑response drills, perform a suit‑pressurisation test, and carry out medical and scientific experiments while observing the lunar surface. Strategic importance: Artemis II is a stepping stone toward Artemis III (planned for 2027), which will test integrated operations with commercial landers, followed by Artemis IV (early 2028) – the first crewed lunar landing since Apollo 17 – and Artemis V (late 2028) aimed at establishing a lunar base. The program also reinforces U.S. leadership in space amid rising competition, notably from China.

The Artemis moon mission is a landmark international project that embodies the spirit of unity and cooperation. Over 50 years ago, the Apollo astronauts' photographs of Earth from the moon had a profound impact on society, highlighting our planet's fragility and finiteness.This new mission, involving 11 nations and 61 countries that have signed the Artemis accords, aims to revive that sense of unity and shared purpose. The crew of Artemis II, comprising calm, curious, kind, and thoughtful individuals, will fly around the moon and take photographs of Earth from a distance, potentially streaming the experience live.The mission's commander, Reid Wiseman, emphasizes that "we are going as humanity," while astronaut Christina Koch notes that "any country that's interested in exploring, come, come along, be a part of this." Victor Glover, set to be the first African American to fly to the moon, adds that space exploration teaches us that "we're all brothers and sisters."As the Artemis astronauts prepare to experience the profound view of Earth from the moon, they are accompanied by a tiny silicon disc of goodwill messages from world leaders, placed on the lunar surface by the Apollo 11 crew. This message, from Eric Williams, then prime minister of Trinidad and Tobago, reads: "It is our earnest hope of mankind that while we gain the moon, we shall not lose the world."The Artemis mission has the potential to inspire a new generation and promote global cooperation, serving as a reminder that we are "riders on the Earth together."

Just before sunset on Florida’s Space Coast, an estimated 400,000 people are expected to line the beaches and causeways to watch NASA’s Artemis II lift off at 6:24 p.m. ET, weather permitting. The launch will be the first crewed departure from low‑Earth orbit since the Apollo 17 mission in December 1972. Commander Reid Wiseman told reporters at the Kennedy Space Center that the nation and the world have been waiting “a long time” for this moment. The four‑person crew—Americans Christina Koch and Victor Glover, Canadian astronaut Jeremy Hansen, and Wiseman himself—have entered quarantine ahead of the flight. During the 10‑day test flight, which will not attempt a lunar landing, Koch and Glover will become the first woman and first person of color to travel into cislunar space, the region between Earth and the Moon. Hansen will be the first non‑American to do so. The Orion capsule is expected to travel more than 4,600 miles (7,400 km) beyond the Moon’s far side on day six, reaching a total distance of just under 253,000 miles from Earth—surpassing the Apollo 13 record of 248,655 miles set in 1970. Beyond the historic milestones, Artemis II serves as a critical stepping stone for NASA’s broader lunar ambitions. Administrator Jared Isaacman has outlined a $20 billion Moon base program slated for completion by the end of the decade, and the mission will capture high‑resolution images of the Moon’s south‑pole region—potential sites for future landings and the base. Technical preparations have addressed previous setbacks, including a resolved heat‑shield issue from Artemis I and a helium‑leak that delayed Artemis II’s rollout in February. NASA’s final weather briefing gave the launch an 80 % chance of favorable conditions, with a five‑night launch window available should a scrub be required. Inside the capsule, the crew will spend ten days in a confined space roughly the size of a small camper van, testing life‑support systems, radiation exposure, and microgravity effects. Wiseman noted the psychological challenges of close‑quarters living, saying, “By day six or seven we’ll all be thinking, ‘I need a little space,’ but we’re a good crew.” The launch has sparked a surge of tourism in Cape Canaveral and Cocoa Beach, with hotels filling quickly as spring‑breakers add the event to their itineraries. Despite schedule delays and cost overruns—NASA acknowledges the program is “billions of dollars over budget”—the agency remains confident that Artemis II will demonstrate the capabilities needed for the next crewed landing, scheduled for Artemis IV in 2028. As Wiseman summed up, “NASA was founded to tackle the near‑impossible. This mission is the next step in America’s return to the lunar environment, and when we get there, we intend to stay.”

Amid the escalating United States‑Israel confrontation with Iran, parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf has emerged as an unexpected voice on financial strategy, posting a series of warnings on X that market‑moving headlines are often engineered to trigger profit‑taking. Ghalibaf’s core advice is simple yet provocative: if a headline inflates prices, bet against it; if it drags prices down, go long. He describes pre‑market news bursts as a “reverse indicator” designed to manipulate investors. His posts are laced with sarcasm, referencing alleged manipulation of oil futures and even joking about turning rhetoric into “actual fuel at the pump.” Behind the humor, analysts say, lies a calculated effort to exploit the overlap between digital propaganda and real‑world conflict. The backdrop to Ghalibaf’s messaging is Iran’s use of asymmetric warfare, notably the brief shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz—a chokepoint through which roughly 20% of global oil and LNG shipments pass. The closure sent crude prices soaring and heightened economic pressure worldwide, underscoring Tehran’s ability to influence U.S. markets by targeting critical supply routes. On March 22, Ghalibaf warned financial institutions that support U.S. military financing in the Middle East, declaring that U.S. Treasury bonds are “soaked in Iranians’ blood” and that their portfolios were under surveillance. Economist Jo Michell of the University of the West of England observes that falling equity markets, rising energy costs, and higher interest rates could eventually force President Donald Trump to seek a diplomatic exit from the conflict. Michell notes that Trump often delivers his most aggressive statements over weekends when markets are closed, only to retreat before the opening bell—a pattern traders have dubbed TACO (“Trump always chickens out”). Indeed, when Trump’s original 48‑hour deadline for Iran to reopen the Strait of Hormuz loomed, he extended it by five days and later pledged a further 10‑day pause on attacks against Iranian energy infrastructure, actions that analysts interpret as deliberate market signaling. Middle‑East specialist Zeidon Alkinani explains that the conflict’s volatility creates new leverage points beyond direct price manipulation. Even light‑hearted rhetoric from officials like Ghalibaf can exacerbate market instability, as investors scramble for any hint of the war’s trajectory. In this environment, uncertainty itself becomes a powerful market driver. Alkinani stresses that the significance of the Strait of Hormuz now extends beyond physical oil flow disruptions; it reshapes investor expectations and amplifies the impact of digital messaging, especially given Trump’s high‑visibility online presence. Overall, Ghalibaf’s social‑media campaign illustrates how Tehran is blending military pressure with information warfare, turning market sentiment into an additional front of the broader geopolitical struggle.

President Donald Trump is reportedly weighing a request for Arab countries to fund the U.S.–Israel war on Iran, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt told reporters on Monday. Leavitt said the president is "quite interested" in calling on regional partners to share the expense.The idea mirrors the financing arrangement of the 1990‑91 Gulf War, when a coalition of Arab and Western nations covered roughly 88% of the $61 billion cost, leaving the United States to foot only about 12%.Trump also hinted that, even if the Strait of Hormuz remains closed, other export‑dependent partners should manage the crisis. The strait carries about 20% of the world’s oil and LNG shipments; its shutdown has pushed Brent crude to **$116 per barrel**, up from pre‑war levels near **$65**.Iran, meanwhile, has demanded that the United States pay reparations to Iranian victims as a precondition for any cease‑fire.So far, there is no clear commitment from Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members—countries that have themselves been hit by Iranian strikes—to finance the conflict. Analysts estimate the total bill could run into tens of billions of dollars, though exact figures remain uncertain.Experts note a shift in regional attitudes: GCC states opposed the war before it began and continue to call for diplomacy, according to Zeidon Alkinani of the Arab Perspectives Institute. He added that Israel appears to be the primary driver pushing the United States into the confrontation.History shows the United States has repeatedly sought external funding for wars it leads. During the Gulf War, Saudi Arabia contributed $16.8 billion (27% of total costs) and Kuwait $16 billion (26%). Japan, Germany, the UAE and South Korea also supplied sizable sums.Post‑World War II, the U.S. administered the Marshall Plan, providing over $13 billion to rebuild Europe, while Germany and Japan paid reparations and later funded the upkeep of U.S. bases—about $1 billion annually each.In the ongoing Ukraine war, the United States once delivered the largest aid package—€114.64 billion (≈$134 billion) by mid‑2025. Since Trump returned to office in 2025, he has withdrawn **99% of U.S. support**, shifting the financial load to European allies and turning the U.S. into a major arms supplier, with weapons sales reaching a record **$318.7 billion in 2024**. Recent deals, such as a $10 billion weapons package for Ukraine financed by European partners, illustrate this new model.These precedents underscore a pattern: when U.S. leadership faces costly overseas engagements, it often looks to allies—especially those with strategic interests—to share or assume the fiscal burden.

The Israeli parliament's approval of a legislation seeking the death penalty for Palestinians convicted of deadly attacks has stoked fears among Palestinians and drawn condemnation from the international community. The law, which does not apply to Jewish citizens of Israel, has been met with jubilation among its backers in the country's far right.France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom have all raised concerns over the overtly racist nature of the bill, whose wording appears to exclusively target Palestinians. Rights groups have also criticized the bill, with Amnesty International saying it would make the death penalty 'another discriminatory tool in Israel's system of apartheidThe law targets Palestinians by limiting its application to military courts that only try Palestinians under occupation. Under the new legislation, anyone found guilty of killing an Israeli citizen within the occupied West Bank will, by default, be sentenced to death by the military courts. In contrast, Israeli settlers who kill Palestinians in the occupied West Bank are tried in civilian courts in Israel and have not been prosecuted since the start of this decade.Critics argue that the law is discriminatory by design and that lawmakers have no legal authority to impose it on Palestinians living in the occupied West Bank, who are not Israeli citizens. The Association of Civil Rights in Israel has taken the matter to Israel's highest court, arguing that the measure undermines Israel's commitments to democratic principles.Human rights groups have long argued that the legal systems applying to Palestinians and Israeli settlers in the West Bank are fundamentally unequal, enabling discriminatory detention practices and selective enforcement of laws. Approximately 9,500 Palestinians are currently detained in Israeli prisons under harsh conditions, with about half held under administrative detention or labeled 'unlawful combatants,' denied trial and unable to defend themselves.

Israel's parliament, the Knesset, has passed a controversial bill that will instruct military courts to impose the death penalty on Palestinians convicted of killing Israelis in acts of 'terror'. The law, which enters into effect within 30 days, was approved by 62 lawmakers, with 48 voting against it and one abstention.The new law targets only West Bank Palestinians, who are not Israeli citizens, and instructs military courts to impose the draconian sentence for lethal attacks on Israelis. Amichai Cohen, a senior fellow at the Israel Democracy Institute's Center for Democratic Values and Institutions, noted that 'Jews will not be indicted under this law'.The Palestinian Authority called the bill 'a war crime against the Palestinian people', saying that it breached the Fourth Geneva Convention. Rights group B'Tselem pointed out that the conviction rate for Palestinians tried in military courts is about 96 percent, with many convictions based on 'confessions' obtained through pressure and torture during interrogations.The law has been condemned by international critics, including the foreign ministers of France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom, and Amnesty International, which said it would make the death penalty 'another discriminatory tool in Israel's system of apartheid'. The Association of Civil Rights in Israel has filed a petition with Israel's Supreme Court to challenge the law, describing it as 'discriminatory by design' and 'enacted without legal authority'.

The UK steel industry is facing a significant threat to its survival due to a 'back door' loophole in new trade rules, which could result in job cuts and factory closures. The loophole allows pre-made steel parts, such as bridge sections, columns, and door frames, to enter the UK tax-free, undermining the government's efforts to protect British manufacturers.Earlier in March, the UK government announced plans to double tariffs on imported steel and cut the amount that can be bought from abroad in an attempt to protect Britain's struggling steelmakers. However, industry bosses argue that the measures do not go far enough, as they only target imports of raw steel and leave pre-made steel products untouched.The loophole has been criticized by industry leaders, including Simon Boyd, managing director of Reidsteel, who stated that it would 'undo what the government's trying to do to protect steelmaking' and 'kill the downstream customers of steelmakers in the UK off'. The UK steel industry employs around 10,000 people and has suffered decades of job losses.The wider network of downstream manufacturers that turn steel into finished products is estimated to support 300,000 jobs. However, the industry is under significant pressure from rising energy costs and the threat of cheap imports. The government's new rules are expected to incentivize buyers to follow suit, as they will push up the price of UK-produced steel.A government spokesperson said that their steel strategy is protecting UK producers, with robust new measures applying to all steel products that can be made in the UK. However, industry leaders argue that more needs to be done to prevent job losses and factory closures.