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Northampton Saints' JJ van der Mescht is a force to be reckoned with on the rugby field. Standing at an impressive 6ft 7in and weighing 23st, he is the joint-heaviest player in the Premiership. His size and strength make him a major collision threat, and his skills have earned him a spot in South Africa's alignment squad.Van der Mescht, 26, has a unique playing style that has drawn comparisons to Australia's Will Skelton. He is too heavy to be lifted regularly in the lineout, but his ability to give his team vital post-contact metres makes him a valuable asset. His director of rugby, Phil Dowson, describes him as 'a fly-half trapped in a second-row's body.'The South African lock has a personal connection with Bath prop Thomas du Toit, with whom he played as a youngster at the Sharks in Durban. He is eager to bump into his old friend during the match, and he expects a fierce encounter. Van der Mescht has dropped seven kilos since joining Northampton and currently weighs 146kg. He credits the club with rekindling his love for rugby, saying that he now enjoys the game again and feels happy.Van der Mescht's impressive performance has put him back on the South African radar, and he may be considered for the Springboks in the future. For now, he is focused on helping Northampton overcome Bath in the Champions Cup quarter-final. The match could be a prelude to another battle between England's top two sides in the Premiership final.

Nike has entered exclusive talks with Uefa to become the official match ball provider for the Champions League from 2027 to 2031. The US sportswear giant outbid Adidas and Puma with an offer of around $45m per year, doubling Uefa's current fee.The iconic Champions League ball, featuring a star design introduced by Adidas in 2001, will be redesigned by Nike. Adidas is understood to hold the rights to the star design, meaning the 2027 Champions League final will be the last to feature the current ball.Nike previously supplied match balls for Uefa competitions from 1997 to 2001, using simpler designs featuring the company's swoosh logo. The company will work with UC3, the joint venture between Uefa and leading clubs that run the Champions League, to create a new design.The Champions League match ball contract is part of a larger deal in which Nike has also won the rights to supply balls for the Europa League and Conference League. The current suppliers of these competitions, Decathlon's Kipsta brand, will be replaced by Nike.The changes to the Champions League ball are part of a broader commercial shake-up in Uefa's club competitions. Relevent Football Partners, which won the contract for commercial rights from 2027 to 2033, has made significant changes, including selling Uefa's global beer partner package to AB InBev and securing TV rights increases of over 20% in major European markets.

Tom Watson, an eight-time major winner, has blasted the PGA Tour over its recent decision to allow Brooks Koepka and Patrick Reed to return from LIV Golf. Moments after participating in the honorary first drive ceremony at the 2026 Masters, Watson lambasted the tour's decision.Watson expressed his discontent, saying that by reinstating Reed and Koepka, the tour had reneged on promises made to players who remained loyal during the schism. 'I thought the LIV players, when they left, were supposed to be banned for life,' he stated.Watson suggested that if he were the commissioner, Koepka, Reed, and other returning players would have to qualify through the Korn Ferry Tour. 'If I was the commissioner, that's what I'd do,' he said.Watson also emphasized that the players who left for LIV Golf violated the No. 1 rule of protecting sponsors. 'When the players left, they chose to go for the money, which is fine, but to return to the Tour, I thought was a nonstarter, but apparently it's not.'In response, Reed stated that returning to the PGA Tour was the right decision for his game and family. 'I've always known that the best players in the world and the deepest fields from top to bottom are on the PGA Tour,' he said.

Dan Levy, creator of the hit sitcom 'Schitt's Creek', ventures into cringe comedy with 'Big Mistakes', a Netflix series that, while entertaining, struggles to find its footing. Levy stars as Nicky, a pastor hiding his relationship from his family and congregation, alongside Taylor Ortega as his rebellious sister Morgan. The show's strength lies in its cast, particularly Levy and Ortega, who deliver charming and hilarious performances. Laurie Metcalf also shines as their emotionally unstable mother. However, the plot often falters, relying on implausible developments and generic portrayals of organized crime. The dynamic between Levy's character and Ortega's is a highlight, showcasing Levy's expertise in crafting bickering, boundary-pushing on-screen families, reminiscent of 'Schitt's Creek'. The familial drama and cringe comedy elements are more engaging than the show's attempt at an organized crime storyline. Despite its shortcomings, 'Big Mistakes' is not a major failure but rather a passable effort. Levy's talent for creating relatable, flawed characters and humorous situations makes the show enjoyable, even if it doesn't quite reach the heights of his previous work.

Pakistan's diplomatic efforts culminated in a two-week ceasefire between the US and Iran, agreed upon just hours before US President Donald Trump's deadline to destroy Iran's 'civilisation'. The ceasefire was announced by Trump on his social media platform, Truth Social, and confirmed by Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi.The breakthrough was facilitated by Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Field Marshal Asim Munir, who engaged in extensive diplomacy with both sides. Sharif publicly announced the ceasefire, inviting both delegations to Islamabad for further negotiations. The talks are expected to begin on Friday, potentially involving a US delegation led by Vice President JD Vance.The conflict, which began on February 28, had killed over 2,000 people in Iran and disrupted roughly a fifth of the world's oil supplies. Pakistan's role as a mediator was seen as a significant diplomatic achievement, with both Washington and Tehran acknowledging its efforts.The ceasefire is not a peace deal, and key differences remain unresolved, including Iran's uranium enrichment and the Strait of Hormuz. However, analysts view Pakistan's role as a major shift in its diplomatic efforts, positioning itself at the centre of a significant diplomatic initiative.

Iran and the United States each declared a triumph after agreeing to a two‑week ceasefire that was announced just before President Donald Trump’s deadline to force Tehran’s surrender. The conflict, which began on 28 February, has already claimed 2,076 lives in U.S.–Israel strikes on Iran and has caused thousands more deaths across the region. The fighting has also shocked global energy markets, stranding oil tankers and pushing prices to unprecedented levels. Trump announced on Truth Social that the United States would halt bombing Iran after receiving a “workable” 10‑point ceasefire proposal, adding that “almost all of the various points of past contention have been agreed to.” Iran, for its part, said it would reopen the Strait of Hormuz to commercial traffic, even as some citizens denounced the government’s perceived capitulation. Both parties are set to resume Pakistan‑mediated talks in Islamabad on Friday, though analysts warn that earlier red lines may resurface. Key terms of the Tuesday agreement: the United States will suspend air strikes for two weeks, citing that it has already achieved its military objectives and is close to a “definitive agreement concerning long‑term peace.” Iran’s foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, pledged to halt “defensive operations” and to allow safe passage through the Strait of Hormuz, while also indicating willingness to fund reconstruction from fees collected on transiting ships. Domestic reaction in Iran remains volatile. University of Tehran professor Foad Izadi noted that the public’s pessimism stems from two prior escalations—June’s 12‑day war and the February 28 strikes—both of which occurred amid ongoing negotiations. Earlier demands: The United States had presented a 15‑point plan on 25 March, calling for a 30‑day ceasefire, immediate reopening of the Strait, Iran’s de‑commissioning of its nuclear facilities, a total ban on uranium enrichment, handover of nuclear stockpiles to the IAEA, cessation of support to regional proxies, strict limits on ballistic missiles, and a full lift of sanctions, among other items. Iran responded with a 10‑point proposal that emphasized a non‑aggression commitment from the United States, controlled passage through the Strait, acceptance of its enrichment programme, comprehensive sanctions relief, withdrawal of U.S. combat forces, compensation for war damages via shipping fees, and a binding UN Security Council resolution. Both sides have already made concessions. Iran moved from demanding a permanent ceasefire to accepting a two‑week pause, and it shifted from insisting on reparations to proposing reconstruction funding from Strait fees. The United States, meanwhile, has softened its demand for an “unconditional” Iranian surrender and has not reiterated its earlier insistence on dismantling Iran’s missile capabilities. One of the most contentious issues remains the status of Lebanon. While Pakistan’s prime minister said the ceasefire would extend to Lebanon, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu denied any such inclusion, and Israel launched a major bombing campaign in Beirut shortly thereafter, killing hundreds. Looking ahead, analysts highlight that the United States is unlikely to concede on the complete withdrawal of its roughly 50,000 troops stationed across 19 Middle Eastern sites—a demand Tehran has placed on the table. The outcome of the upcoming talks will hinge on whether Washington can accommodate Tehran’s broader political and economic requests without compromising its strategic objectives.

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

During Donald Trump’s January 2025 inauguration, Giorgia Meloni was the only European leader invited, underscoring a brief period of close personal and diplomatic ties between Italy’s right‑wing government and the new U.S. administration. A month earlier she had been photographed sharing a private conversation with Trump at the Élysée Palace while President Emmanuel Macron celebrated the reopening of Notre‑Dame. From the outset of Trump’s second term, the Italian premier was hailed by the U.S. president as a “real live wire” and the European ally who could help “straighten out the world.” Meloni embraced the role, describing Trump as a “brilliant man” and promising to "make the West great again" together. That camaraderie has now eroded. In the wake of the US‑Israeli military action against Iran, Meloni told reporters during a Gulf‑region visit that "when we don’t agree, we must say it", explicitly rejecting the war. Her stance was reinforced a week earlier when Italy denied U.S. bombers permission to refuel at a southern base. Political analysts note that Meloni’s shift marks a decisive break from Trump’s agenda. Roberto D’Alimonte, a political‑science professor at Luiss University, warned that her earlier attempt to act as a bridge between Trump and European allies has become a “liability” she now seeks to repair. Public opinion reflects the change. Recent polls show a solid majority of Italians oppose the Iran war, and support for Trump in Italy has plunged from 35 % to just 19 %. The backlash also manifested in a recent referendum on judicial reform, where 61 % of voters aged 18‑34 rejected Meloni’s proposal—a defeat analysts link more to dissatisfaction with her foreign‑policy alignment than to the reform itself. Beyond politics, the conflict threatens Italy’s economy. As the EU’s second‑largest natural‑gas consumer—accounting for roughly 40 % of its energy mix—Italy is feeling the impact of soaring energy prices caused by the near‑total shutdown of traffic through the Strait of Hormuz. The Bank of Italy now projects only a 0.5 % growth rate for 2026‑27, down from earlier forecasts, while the national statistics office reported that Italy’s fiscal deficit has breached the EU’s 3 % ceiling, limiting fiscal flexibility ahead of next year’s elections. Despite these pressures, Meloni has not completely abandoned the United States. In March she declined Trump’s request to dispatch Italian warships to the Strait of Hormuz, aligning with other European nations, yet she stopped short of condemning the US‑led operation outright. Experts argue that Meloni’s approach is deliberately cautious. “She is pragmatic and politically skilled,” D’Alimonte said. “She will continue to balance criticism of Trump’s aggressive foreign policy with the need to preserve strategic ties, moving step‑by‑step toward a stronger European alignment without burning bridges.”

After Tehran announced a two‑week ceasefire in the Iran war, financial markets breathed a noticeable sigh of relief. Oil prices tumbled by more than 10% on Wednesday, stock indices rallied, and optimism about the global economic outlook resurfaced. However, the reprieve is far from complete.For six weeks the world’s economy has been under pressure as Iran effectively closed the Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint that handles roughly one‑fifth of global oil and gas shipments. The closure sparked what analysts have called the worst energy crisis of the modern era, driving oil to historic highs.Any progress toward re‑opening Hormuz would ease fears of a supply crunch that could otherwise trigger a cascade of recession risks. Yet the situation remains volatile: Tehran and Washington continue to send mixed signals about the waterway’s status, and Israel’s ongoing strikes in Lebanon add further uncertainty.Consumers already feel the strain. Despite the recent price dip, Brent crude remains above $90 a barrel, a sharp contrast to the sub‑$73 levels recorded before the conflict began. While this is an improvement from the period when prices hovered above $100, it still represents a significant premium over pre‑war benchmarks.Most economists expect oil to stay above its pre‑war price throughout 2026. In its baseline forecast, consultancy Capital Economics projects Brent to settle around $80 per barrel by year‑end. Under that scenario, headline inflation in the United States and Europe would hover between 3% and 4% year‑on‑year, while GDP growth is likely to decelerate across major economies.The lingering uncertainty is amplified by the unpredictable stances of both Iran and the United States, as well as the broader geopolitical turbulence involving Israel. Prior to the conflict, few analysts believed Tehran would actually close Hormuz, a threat it has floated intermittently since the 1979 revolution.Given the strait’s pivotal role in the world economy, any prolonged disruption could add a costly premium to global business operations. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) warned in a recent report that wars since 1946 have left “economic scars” lasting more than a decade. The IMF cautioned that even after a ceasefire, persistent political and economic uncertainty can depress investment returns, fuel capital outflows, and constrain both investment and labor supply.In short, while the ceasefire has delivered a short‑term boost to markets, the underlying energy‑price pressures and geopolitical risks mean that the relief is far from absolute.