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The Paris Appeals Court on Wednesday rejected Tunisia's request to extradite Halima Ben Ali, the daughter of the late former president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who faces accusations of laundering assets acquired during her father's 1987‑2011 rule.The ruling was anchored in Tunisia's failure to provide guarantees of an independent and impartial trial, a prerequisite under French and international extradition standards.Halima Ben Ali was detained in September 2025 at Tunisia's behest as she prepared to board a flight from Paris to Dubai. Authorities allege she participated in the laundering of wealth amassed under her father's regime.Her lawyer, Samia Maktouf, warned that sending her back would be tantamount to “a death sentence.” After the verdict, Maktouf described the decision as “an immense relief” and affirmed that justice had been served in accordance with the law.Tunisian prosecutors say the alleged financial crimes could carry a sentence of up to 20 years in prison, underscoring the broader push to recover misappropriated assets and hold the Ben Ali family accountable more than a decade after the Arab Spring uprisings.The case revives debate over the legacy of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who was ousted in 2011, fled to Saudi Arabia, died in exile in 2019, and was sentenced in absentia to life imprisonment by a Tunisian court.While the French decision may strain diplomatic ties, it also signals Paris' commitment to uphold procedural safeguards when handling extradition requests linked to politically sensitive cases.

The United Nations‑backed Gang Suppression Force (GSF) announced on Wednesday that its first foreign troops have landed in Haiti, signalling a new phase in the international effort to tame the country’s spiralling gang warfare.An advance team of soldiers from Chad arrived in Port‑au‑Prince, accompanied by Jack Christofides, a South African UN official appointed to lead the mission’s operations on the ground.The deployment is the initial step of a force slated to expand to 5,500 personnel with a 12‑month mandate. The GSF was authorized by the UN Security Council last September as a replacement for the earlier Kenyan‑led multinational security mission, which has struggled with funding shortfalls, insufficient manpower and limited institutional backing.Unlike its predecessor, which was limited to supporting Haitian police, the new force will have the authority to make arrests and conduct direct operations against groups designated as gangs. The concept was first put forward by the United States and Panama to “neutralise, isolate and deter” criminal networks.During the Security Council vote, twelve members voted in favour of the force, while China, Russia and Pakistan abstained. Russia’s representative, Vassily Nebenzia, criticised the plan as “rushed” and warned that its broad language could enable abuses, noting that the mandate permits the use of force against anyone labelled a gang.Haiti’s recent history of foreign intervention adds a layer of sensitivity to the deployment. Past UN peacekeeping missions have been linked to a cholera outbreak that claimed roughly 10,000 lives after the 2010 earthquake, and UN personnel have faced accusations of sexual assault in earlier decades.Gang control has tightened dramatically since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse. Analysts estimate that up to 90 % of Port‑au‑Prince is now under gang influence, with around 26 criminal groups operating in the capital. The UN estimates that at least 16,000 people have been killed since 2022 and that more than 1.5 million have been displaced, many facing food insecurity. A recent human‑rights report recorded 5,519 gang‑related deaths and 2,608 injuries between March 2025 and mid‑January 2026, alongside reports of extrajudicial killings and sexual violence.The arrival of the GSF coincides with Haiti’s tentative steps toward a national election scheduled for August, where roughly 300 political parties and groups have registered. Acting Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils‑Aime has recently met with UN officials to discuss the new force’s role in stabilising the country ahead of the vote.

Police forces in Gambia resorted to tear gas to break up a demonstration that erupted after authorities rearrested two siblings. The crowd gathered to protest what they described as an unjust repeat detention, prompting security officials to intervene with crowd‑control measures.Witnesses reported that the deployment of tear gas escalated the situation, forcing demonstrators to flee the area. The incident underscores growing public frustration with the handling of arrests and raises concerns about the use of force in managing civil unrest.

Israel's death penalty law has significant implications for Palestinians, potentially leading to increased tensions and human rights concerns. The law, which allows for the imposition of the death penalty for certain crimes, has been met with criticism from human rights groups and Palestinian authorities.The consequences of this law are far-reaching, affecting not only Palestinians convicted of crimes but also the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The law may be seen as a provocation by Palestinian leaders, potentially leading to increased violence and instability in the region.Human rights groups have expressed concerns about the fairness of trials and the treatment of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli custody. The law has also been criticized for its potential to disproportionately affect Palestinians, who make up a significant proportion of Israel's prison population.

A magnitude 7.4 earthquake erupted in the Northern Molucca Sea off the coast of Ternate, Indonesia, resulting in at least one fatality and an initial tsunami alert that was later rescinded.The United States Geological Survey (USGS) clarified that the tremor, first reported as magnitude 7.8, actually occurred at a depth of 35 km, deeper than the early estimate of 10 km. Apart from the confirmed death, no other immediate injuries were reported.The quake’s epicentre lay roughly 120 km (75 mi) from Ternate in the North Maluku province, prompting local authorities in Ternate and nearby Tidore to ready evacuation plans. Metro TV broadcast footage of damaged structures across the area.In Manado, North Sulawesi, a building collapse buried a resident, leading to the sole confirmed death; a rescue official added that another person sustained a leg injury.The Hawaii‑based Pacific Tsunami Warning Center (PTWC) warned of potentially hazardous waves within a 1,000‑km radius, affecting coastlines of Indonesia, the Philippines and Malaysia.Within thirty minutes, Indonesia’s BMKG agency recorded wave heights of up to 75 cm in North Minahasa and 20 cm in Bitung, both on Sulawesi’s northern shore, with an additional 30 cm rise in North Maluku.Just over two hours after the event, the PTWC lifted the tsunami warning, declaring that the threat had passed.Indonesia’s position on the Pacific Ring of Fire makes it especially vulnerable to such seismic activity, underscoring the importance of rapid monitoring and public‑safety measures.

Ramesh Kumar, a 42‑year‑old wheat farmer in Gurdaspur, Punjab, India, is already recalculating his budget as fertiliser prices climb and deliveries become erratic.He worries that higher input costs could force him to postpone his daughter’s wedding, delay school fees for his children, or even cut back on the amount of fertiliser he applies – a decision that could lower his harvest.While the conflict between the United States, Israel and Iran unfolds thousands of kilometres away, its ripple effects are felt in the fields of Punjab, Kashmir, Pakistan’s South Punjab, Bangladesh’s Rangpur and Nepal’s Gulmi district.The Strait of Hormuz, a narrow chokepoint linking Gulf oil and gas producers to global markets, handles roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments. Disruptions here delay the flow of natural gas used to produce nitrogen‑based fertilisers, inflating freight, insurance and ultimately fertiliser prices.South Asia, home to nearly two billion people, depends heavily on fertiliser‑intensive agriculture. In India, the sector is worth about $400 billion and employs over 46 % of the workforce; in Pakistan, it contributes close to 20 % of GDP; Bangladesh’s agriculture accounts for 12‑13 % of GDP; and Nepal relies on agriculture for roughly 24 % of its economy.Between 30 % and 35 % of India’s fertiliser imports, and up to 25‑30 % of Pakistan’s, Bangladesh’s, and Nepal’s imports, travel through routes that pass the Strait of Hormuz. Any prolonged blockage could therefore strain supply chains across the region.Governments are attempting to reassure farmers. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced expanded domestic production of urea, DAP and NPK, as well as the rollout of “Made‑in‑India Nano Urea” and solar‑powered irrigation under the PM Kusum scheme.Pakistan’s federal secretary for agriculture highlighted proactive monitoring, increased domestic urea and DAP output, and measures to keep fertiliser affordable.Bangladesh plans to import 500,000 tonnes of urea in the short term and is exploring alternative sources from China and Morocco, while Nepal’s agriculture ministry says supplies for the upcoming rainy season are secured, though it warns of possible shipment delays.On the ground, farmers are already adjusting. In Kashmir, mustard grower Ghulam Rasool says he reduces fertiliser use as soon as price signals rise, even before actual shortages appear. In Pakistan’s South Punjab, wheat farmer Muneer Ahmad fears higher costs will affect the entire community. In Bangladesh, Mohammad Ibrahim notes that fertiliser availability is becoming unpredictable, and in Nepal, Meghnath Aryal worries that delayed deliveries will hurt crop yields.These individual decisions have broader implications. Reduced fertiliser application can lower yields, which in turn pushes up food prices—a critical concern in a region where households allocate a large share of income to food.While no immediate shortage has been declared, the combination of higher global energy prices, logistical bottlenecks and geopolitical risk makes the situation volatile. Authorities in all four countries are urging farmers to supplement chemical inputs with organic alternatives such as manure, compost and green manuring.For Ramesh Kumar and millions of his peers, the distant Gulf crisis is not an abstract geopolitical story; it is a daily calculation of whether they can afford to feed their families and meet essential expenses.

In a bid to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and improve public health, thousands of New Yorkers are making the switch from gas stoves to induction stoves. A recent project in the Washington Heights area of Manhattan has installed induction stoves in 15 co-op apartments, providing residents with a cleaner and healthier way to cook.The project, supported by state and city governments, as well as non-profit groups, aims to reduce the risks associated with gas stoves, including nitrogen dioxide emissions and climate change. According to a study, people who replaced their gas stoves with electric alternatives were exposed to less than half the amount of nitrogen dioxide emissions.Residents, such as Marcos Ramos, are excited about the change. “It makes sense”, he said. “If you’re minimizing risk with the gas, the fire, then environmentally, health-wise, it makes sense. It’s logical.”The induction stoves, supplied by Copper, use magnetic fields to heat cookware directly, making them more efficient and environmentally friendly. The project is part of a larger effort to promote clean energy and reduce greenhouse gas emissions in New York City.Advocates claim that induction stoves are a viable alternative to gas, which has jumped in price amid the Iran war and poses health risks to residents. The city is also working on a $32m pilot to replace gas stoves in 10,000 apartments across the New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) system.While some states, including New York, California, and Hawaii, are stepping up to promote induction stoves through rebate programs, others are facing resistance from the gas industry and Republican politicians.

For the first time, the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust (JRCT) is creating a dedicated reparations role, appointing Prof. Keon West—a Rhodes Scholar and author of The Science of Racism—to lead the effort. West, who also serves as a visiting professor at the London School of Economics and heads research at the Runnymede Trust, will begin his tenure later this month. The appointment arrives amid intensifying global calls for former colonial powers to confront historic injustices. West’s mandate is to map how enslavement, indentured labour and European imperialism fed the supply chains of Rowntree’s iconic brands such as KitKat, Fruit Pastilles and Smarties. Founded in 1904 when philanthropist Joseph Rowntree endowed the trust with profits from his chocolate and cocoa ventures, JRCT operates on Quaker principles aimed at tackling the roots of inequality. Recent research, spurred by the Black Lives Matter movement, uncovered that African and Asian workers were exploited in Rowntree’s production lines throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Historical investigations by the Rowntree Society revealed that, while the family never directly owned enslaved people, their businesses sold commodities produced by enslaved or unfree labour as far back as 1822. The company also benefitted from the indenture system, acquiring plantations in Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad in the 1890s to grow cocoa, bananas and other crops. Further links to colonial exploitation include purchases of cocoa from Portuguese‑controlled São Tomé and Príncipe, as well as commercial interests in Nigeria, Ghana and apartheid‑era South Africa. In the early 1980s, Black workers at the South African subsidiary Wilson Rowntree faced harsh labour suppression. In 2021, JRCT issued a public apology, stating it was “deeply sorry” for its historical connections to “abhorrent practices” and acknowledging the lasting impact of these actions on systemic racism today. West will design a comprehensive reparations programme that engages directly with affected communities—“Black people, brown people and people of colour”—to develop long‑term restorative justice strategies. He said, "I am honoured to accept this role. It offers the power and the responsibility to make real, meaningful changes in the lives of those who have been exploited." JRCT chief executive Nicola Purdy expressed enthusiasm, noting that the reparations initiative aligns with the trust’s charitable purpose of promoting peace, equality, human rights and climate action. Financially, JRCT allocated £13.5 million in grants in 2025, supporting organisations that advance its core missions. In 2023, it contributed £10,000 to an all‑party parliamentary group advocating for a formal UK apology for slavery and colonisation. The Rowntree family, alongside fellow Quaker dynasties Fry and Cadbury, were central to the British confectionery trade during the colonial era. Their brand was later acquired by Nestlé in 1988, but the trust’s new reparations focus underscores a broader reckoning with the historical foundations of the industry.

The recent visit of Anthropic's CEO Dario Amodei to Canberra has sparked a critical examination of the role of AI in society. Amodei, known for his 'progressive' approach to AI, has been promoting a vision of a future where AI transforms the economy and improves lives. However, the author of the article argues that this vision may not be as progressive as it seems. The risks associated with AI, such as job displacement, cultural homogenization, and potential harm to individuals, cannot be ignored. The article highlights the concerns of experts like Toby Walsh, who notes that AI is both good and bad, and that its impact depends on how it is used and regulated. The author, Peter Lewis, questions his own progressive credentials and argues that the unchecked development of AI threatens to undermine the very notion of progress. He suggests that the government should slow down the development of AI and establish guardrails to prevent its negative consequences. The article cites examples of experts and politicians, such as Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who are calling for a moratorium on the development of new datacenters. The author argues that this cautious approach is necessary to ensure that AI is developed in a way that benefits society as a whole, rather than just a select few. Ultimately, the article concludes that the future of AI must be shaped by a nuanced and informed discussion about its potential risks and benefits. The author argues that only by slowing down the development of AI and establishing clear regulations can we ensure that its impact is truly progressive.