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Nelson Mandela once claimed sport could spark hope where despair prevailed – a sentiment that now feels overly optimistic as climate change threatens every arena, from football pitches to alpine slopes.Extreme weather events are already cancelling competitions and rendering venues unplayable through floods, wildfires and storms. Rising heat and air‑pollution expose athletes to heat‑related illnesses, asthma and cardiovascular strain, while also increasing injury risk and diminishing performance for officials and spectators alike.Countries most vulnerable to climate impacts face the harshest sporting challenges. As Barbados Prime Minister Mia Mottley warned, athletes must compete on the conditions that exist, not on idealised pitches, while wealthier nations and governing bodies often look the other way.Historian David Goldblatt estimates sport’s carbon footprint rivals that of a small‑ to medium‑sized nation – roughly the emissions of Cuba to Poland. Yet the industry continues to chase growth, attracting sponsorship from fossil‑fuel giants and even entities reminiscent of the tobacco era.A 2024 “Dirty Money” report by the New Weather Institute revealed that state‑owned and private fossil‑fuel companies have poured at least $5.6 billion (£4.2 billion) into global sport across 205 active deals. The recent Milan‑Cortina Winter Olympics relied on oil major Eni to fund artificial snow, while the upcoming men’s football World Cup – labelled the “most polluting ever” by Scientists for Global Responsibility – will be plastered with ads from Aramco, the world’s largest corporate greenhouse‑gas emitter, with emissions projected to be 92 % higher than typical tournaments between 2010‑2022.Fans and grassroots organisations are pushing back. Groups such as Surfers Against Sewage, Fossil Free Football, FrontRunners and Protect Our Winters are mobilising, while clubs like Forest Green Rovers and athletes such as Australian cricket captain Pat Cummins are publicly denouncing fossil‑fuel ties.Alternative sponsorships are emerging: Northern Rail backs the Rugby Super League, Metrobank partners with cricket, and Oxford United’s limited‑edition shirt celebrates John Ruskin’s “Study of a Wild Rose,” linking sport to environmental heritage.“The Hotspot” aims to surface the most compelling stories, analyse data, and chart a path forward for sport in a warming world. As the planet races toward a climatic finish line, sport must deliver its own last‑second victory.This excerpt is from the inaugural issue of The Hotspot newsletter. To subscribe, visit this page and follow the instructions.

Scientists have confirmed that March 2026 was the hottest March on record in the United States, underscoring the urgency of the climate crisis. Yet, a weekend gathering in a hotel basement near the White House, organized by the climate‑denying Heartland Institute, celebrated a very different narrative.The audience—predominantly middle‑aged men in suits—cheered the claim that the world is finally “waking up” to the idea that there is no climate crisis. Heartland Institute president James Taylor described the atmosphere as “wonderful” and declared that “the truth is winning out.”The event’s headline speaker was Lee Zeldin, the EPA administrator—a figure also rumored to be under consideration for the role of attorney general. Zeldin framed the conference as a day of “vindication,” accusing a “cabal of elites” of using climate science to push a political agenda.Booths and banners, sponsored by groups such as the CO2 Coalition, displayed slogans like “CO2 is a lifesaver” and “There is no climate crisis.” Pamphlets touted fossil fuels as the “greenest energy source” and dismissed net‑zero targets as unfounded.While some attendees denied the existence of global warming outright, others conceded that temperatures were rising but insisted it was not a human‑caused emergency. Taylor later clarified that “humans have played a role in climate change, but that is not the same as a ‘climate crisis.’”Harvard historian Naomi Oreskes noted that think tanks like Heartland portray themselves as underdogs, even though they receive substantial backing from powerful interests. The institute has historically been funded by major oil companies—including Shell and ExxonMobil—and by the Mercers, a prominent Republican donor family.When asked about current funding sources, Taylor dismissed the inquiry as “curious and disappointing,” insisting that the organization is supported by individuals who value “freedom and affordable energy.” He added that the institute has not received oil money for nearly two decades, though he would “gladly accept” it again.Under the Trump administration, groups such as the Heartland Institute, the CO2 Coalition, and the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow (CFACT) have secured unprecedented policy influence. Their agenda includes the repeal of the EPA’s “endangerment finding,” a legal basis for most U.S. climate regulations. During Zeldin’s introduction, CFACT president Craig Rucker announced the rollback to a cheering crowd.CFACT’s lobbying helped cancel a California offshore‑wind project, while the CO2 Coalition’s founder helped establish a White House committee that questioned climate science during Trump’s first term. Most recently, the coalition succeeded in placing an ophthalmologist with no air‑pollution expertise on a key EPA advisory panel.Despite the deniers’ confidence, polling consistently shows that a **vast majority of Americans**—including 42 % of young Republicans—acknowledge climate change and view it as a pressing issue. Taylor countered by citing a 2019 survey indicating limited willingness to pay higher electricity bills for climate action, but the broader data suggest strong public concern.Younger activists disrupted a youth‑focused panel, arguing that the conference’s “geriatric white‑male” audience was out of touch with the climate realities that will affect their generation. One protester shouted, “There’s no such thing as fossil‑fuel‑caused climate change!” before being removed.The clash highlighted a growing divide: while right‑wing think tanks are consolidating power within the federal government, public opinion and scientific consensus continue to affirm the reality and urgency of global warming.

Gina Rinehart, Australia's wealthiest person, faces a potentially significant loss of wealth and control over her Pilbara iron ore empire as a court verdict looms in Perth. The Western Australian supreme court judgment will determine whether Rinehart must share the spoils of some of Hancock Prospecting's most lucrative iron ore projects with the family of her late father's business partner, Peter Wright.The dispute centers on the lucrative Hope Downs mining complex near Newman in north-west Western Australia, a joint venture between Hancock Prospecting and Rio Tinto, which delivered a $832m profit to Hancock Prospecting in 2025. The Wright family heirs claim they are entitled to an equal share of the 2.5% royalties coming from Hope Downs to Hancock Prospecting.Hancock Prospecting rejects the claim, arguing it undertook all the work and bore the financial risk of development, making it the legitimate owner of the Hope Downs assets. The judgment, expected to be appealed regardless of the outcome, may also impact Rinehart's children, who have accused their mother of an 'egregious fraud' against them.Rinehart's company and Hancock Prospecting have rejected all claims, with Rinehart's lawyers arguing that her actions were done to right an historic wrong by her father. The court's decision will also inform a separate federal arbitration process that will decide how Hancock Prospecting's shares are divided between the family.In a related development, Hancock Prospecting's latest annual report shows that more than $6.4bn in dividends have been placed in reserve pending the outcome of arbitration.

Iran's judiciary announced on Monday that the assets of Zahra Ghanbari, captain of the Iranian women's football team, have been released. This decision comes after Ghanbari initially sought asylum in Australia, only to later withdraw her claim and return to Iran. Ghanbari was among a group of six players and one backroom staff member who sought asylum in Australia in March, following their participation in the Women's Asian Cup. The move sparked controversy, particularly as it coincided with the escalating conflict between Iran, Israel, and the United States. Upon their return to Iran, Ghanbari and the other players were greeted as heroes in a special ceremony in central Tehran on March 19. The Iranian judiciary's decision to release Ghanbari's assets was made after she declared her innocence and changed her behavior. The release of Ghanbari's assets is significant, as Iranian authorities have been accused of pressuring athletes who compete abroad, threatening their families or seizing their property if they defect or make statements against the Islamic republic. Rights groups have repeatedly highlighted these concerns, citing cases where athletes have faced intimidation and coercion. In related developments, two Iranian women's footballers remain in Australia and have been training with the Brisbane Roar club. The controversy surrounding the team's asylum claims has unfolded against the backdrop of Iran's men's team preparing to play in the World Cup in the United States in June.

Moya Brennan, the celebrated voice behind Irish folk ensemble Clannad, passed away at the age of 73 in her native County Donegal, surrounded by family. The 73‑year‑old had been living with pulmonary fibrosis and was awaiting a possible double‑lung transplant when she died peacefully. Born 4 August 1952 in Dublin as Máire Philomena Ní Bhraonáin, she grew up in a large musical family that performed in their local pub. She later honed her craft at the Royal Irish Academy of Music before co‑founding Clannad in 1970 with her brothers and two uncles. Clann2’s early breakthrough came at the Slógadh Youth Festival, where a prize‑winning performance secured a Polydor contract—though the band members were too young to sign. Their commitment to singing in the Irish language set them apart; as Brennan recalled in 2022, they felt they were “letting the language down” but fell in love with its melodies. The group’s commercial breakthrough arrived in 1983 with the album Magical Ring and its hit single “Theme from Harry’s Game.”strong> The track reached No. 5 on the UK Top 40, earned Clannad a historic appearance on Top of the Pops as the first act to perform in Irish, and paved the way for a BAFTA‑winning score for the ITV series Robin of Sherwood. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Brennan earned the moniker “first lady of Celtic music,” garnering praise from peers such as Bono of U2 and contributing vocals to major film soundtracks including Titanic and King Arthur. Her sister Eithne, later known as Enya, also emerged from Clannad before launching a wildly successful solo career. Beyond her musical achievements, Brennan’s personal journey was marked by hardship. She publicly discussed a 1972 abortion in England, subsequent substance use, an 18‑month marriage to fellow musician Pat Farrell, a miscarriage in 1987, and a brief relationship with U2’s Adam Clayton. A deepening Christian faith after the miscarriage helped her overcome addiction, and she later married photographer Tim Jarvis in 1990, a partnership she credited with ending her drug use. Her solo discography began with the critically acclaimed album Máire in 1992 and continued through 2024’s Voices & Harps IV with Cormac de Barra. Brennan also devoted considerable energy to philanthropy, working with Christian Blind Mission Ireland on projects across the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Brazil, and Tanzania, and supporting programs for those battling drug and alcohol dependency. In 2002 she officially adopted the stage name Moya Brennan, formalising the change by deed poll in 2009. Over the years she collaborated with a diverse roster of artists, from Shane MacGowan and Robert Plant to Bruce Hornsb​y, the Doobie Brothers, and Ronan Keating. Brennan is survived by her husband Tim Jarvis and their two children. In a 2022 interview she attributed her resilience in the face of her lung disease to her Christian faith, stating, “I know God is with me… that’s where my strength comes from.”

National Gas announced that the United Kingdom will have enough gas to satisfy summer demand despite recent tensions in the Strait of Hormuz. The network, which runs the country’s gas pipelines, says domestic and Norwegian supplies will cover the low‑usage months, meaning liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports will be minimal this summer. The real challenge lies ahead. While renewable rollout is accelerating, gas will remain a core part of the UK’s energy mix for at least the next two decades. It accounts for about 37% of total gas consumption in 2024, with domestic heating being the largest single use. Replacing millions of boilers with heat pumps cannot happen quickly, especially given the current sluggish pace. Government plans for 2030 still require the full 35 GW of gas‑fired generation capacity to stay online as backup. Energy department data released in early 2025 showed gas demand “broadly stable” for the third consecutive year, representing roughly half of the nation’s 75.2% fossil‑fuel dependency. In the debate over new North Sea drilling licences, the key question is where future gas will come from. Oxford energy economist Sir Dieter Helm, speaking on a Chatham House podcast, warned that gas will dominate the energy supply for the next decade or two and that the cheapest, least polluting option is pipeline gas—not LNG. Analysis from Wood Mackenzie confirms this hierarchy. Pipeline gas from modern Norwegian platforms has the lowest carbon intensity, followed by UK North Sea pipelines. By contrast, LNG adds significant emissions during liquefaction and regasification, and US LNG is the most carbon‑intensive because much of it originates from shale gas with higher methane leakage. Wood Mackenzie’s import forecasts to 2045 paint a stark picture: if domestic production wanes, the UK could rely on US LNG for over 60% of its total gas supply by 2035. The firm notes that Middle‑East gas is geared toward Asian markets, while US cargoes are increasingly directed to Europe, raising concerns about over‑reliance on a single supplier. These projections underpin the argument for expanding UK North Sea extraction. More domestic drilling would reduce dependence on US LNG—a geopolitical risk given the United States’ tendency to use energy as a foreign‑policy lever—and would also lower the overall carbon footprint of the gas supply chain. Critics often claim that North Sea output is exported, so it does not improve national security. Two counter‑points are clear: first, gas delivered directly via pipeline to the UK network is inherently more secure than trans‑Atlantic cargoes; second, the UK could negotiate long‑term, fixed‑price contracts with producers, a model that worked well in the early days of North Sea development. None of this diminishes the importance of renewables and nuclear power. Electrification remains the long‑term goal, but gas will stay in the energy basket for years to come. Offshore Energies UK estimates that, with a pragmatic licensing approach, reliance on LNG could be limited to 6% of total gas supplies by 2035. Assuming political stalemate eases, the pending approval of the Jackdaw field—accounting for roughly 6% of current domestic production—could spark a more nuanced debate about the UK’s gas procurement strategy, moving beyond the simplistic “renewables vs. gas” narrative. Reflecting on the recent Iran‑UK conflict, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak highlighted the need for “secure, homegrown energy”. The logical follow‑up is twofold: accelerate electrification to cut gas demand, and while gas remains essential, avoid turning the UK into an “energy prisoner of the US”. Beyond the geopolitical and environmental benefits, expanding North Sea output would also support jobs, tax revenue, and the balance of payments.

The Philippines has made a grave accusation against China, claiming that Chinese boats were found with cyanide near the disputed Second Thomas Shoal in the South China Sea. Laboratory tests confirmed the presence of the toxic substance in bottles seized by the Philippine navy last year. Security officials warned that the cyanide could have severe consequences for marine life and potentially weaken the reef that supports a warship Manila grounded on the atoll to reinforce its maritime claim. The use of cyanide is seen as a form of sabotage aimed at killing local fish populations and depriving navy personnel of a vital food source. Cornelio Valencia, spokesperson for the National Security Council, emphasized that the cyanide could damage the reef and compromise the stability of the warship. In response, China's Foreign Ministry dismissed the Philippines' assertions as a 'stunt,' accusing Manila of illegally harassing Chinese fishing boats and staging the incident. The incident is part of a broader maritime dispute between China and the Philippines, with China claiming nearly all of the South China Sea, including areas claimed by other nations. The dispute has led to several confrontations, including a violent incident on June 17, 2024, where a Filipino sailor lost a finger. The Philippines also accused Chinese coastguard ships of firing water cannons at Filipino fishermen in December 2025, injuring three people and damaging two fishing vessels. Despite these tensions, China and the Philippines held high-level talks last month to explore preliminary steps towards oil and gas cooperation and confidence-building measures at sea. However, the Philippine Foreign Ministry noted that the scope of coastguard cooperation would be limited and did not include joint patrols. The South China Sea is a critical waterway, with over $3 trillion in annual ship-borne commerce traveling through it. A 2016 ruling by an international arbitral tribunal found China's sweeping claims had no basis under international law, a decision China rejects.

Benin’s presidential contest is tilting decisively toward the incumbent government’s nominee, Romuald Wadagni, after his only challenger, Paul Hounkpe of the Cowry Forces for an Emerging Benin party, publicly acknowledged defeat on national television. Hounkpe’s concession, aired on Monday, included a call for “republican congratulations” and a reminder that democratic health depends on mutual respect across partisan lines, as reported by AFP. Currently serving as foreign minister, Wadagni is the designated successor of President Patrice Talon, who is stepping down after two consecutive five‑year terms. The election follows a turbulent period marked by a foiled coup in late 2025, which was suppressed with the aid of Nigerian forces. Out of an electorate of nearly 8 million eligible voters, early voting proceeded at a modest pace, according to Al Jazeera correspondent Ahmed Idris reporting from Cotonou. Hounkpe’s campaign highlighted that despite a robust 7.5% GDP growth in 2024, the benefits have not sufficiently improved living standards, pointing to persistent poverty rates exceeding 30% and limited trickle‑down of economic gains. In contrast, Wadagni pledged to focus on essential services such as water access, expanded social security, and improved healthcare, positioning himself as a continuity candidate for the ruling coalition. The finance minister, who previously led the polls, was widely expected to prevail after the main opposition party, the Democrats, failed to nominate a candidate and declined to endorse Hounkpe. The Democrats also fell short of the 20% threshold needed for parliamentary representation in the January 2026 elections, securing only about 16% of the vote. Security concerns loom large for the incoming administration. The northern region continues to grapple with insurgent activity from the al‑Qaeda affiliate Jama’at Nusrat al‑Islam wal‑Muslimin (JNIM), which has inflicted heavy casualties on the military, including an attack last year that killed 54 soldiers and another incident in March that claimed 15 lives. These challenges are compounded by broader instability across the Sahel, where a succession of coups in neighboring states such as Burkina Faso, Niger, and Mali has heightened regional volatility. While Wadagni’s ascent promises policy continuity, the new president will need to address both the security vacuum in the north and the socioeconomic gap that leaves a third of Benin’s population in poverty despite recent economic growth.

The White House Council of Economic Advisers released an analysis estimating that the United States faces a shortage of roughly 10 million homes. The report argues that easing regulatory burdens could unlock a construction surge, stabilise home prices, expand home‑ownership and accelerate overall economic growth. President Donald Trump signed two executive orders in March directing federal agencies to reduce housing‑regulation costs and to facilitate mortgage lending by smaller banks. Yet, critics note that the administration has been slow to prioritize high housing costs amid falling approval ratings tied to tariffs, the US‑Israel conflict with Iran, and unmet inflation‑reduction promises. Mortgage rates have risen from just under 6 % to 6.37 % for a 30‑year loan, further inflating the cost of home purchase. Trump has publicly defended higher home prices to protect existing owners, stating, “I don’t want to drive housing prices down… I want to drive housing prices up for people that own their homes.” The housing chapter of the annual Economic Report of the President, obtained by the Associated Press, outlines a blueprint showing how increased homebuilding could benefit the middle class and the broader economy, providing a potential political narrative for the president. According to the report, if homebuilding had continued at its pre‑2008 pace, the nation would have **10 million more houses** today. The 2008 crisis, driven by risky lending and a housing bubble, still casts a long shadow. Home prices have surged **82 % since 2000**, while median incomes have risen only **12 %**, a disparity previously softened by historically low mortgage rates. The post‑COVID inflation spike and higher rates have made affordability a top concern for voters under 40. Regulatory costs—dubbed the “bureaucrat tax”—are estimated to add **over $100,000 per new home** through updated building codes, compliance fees and zoning approvals. The report projects that trimming these costs could enable the construction of **up to 13.2 million homes**, potentially delivering an **average 1.3 percentage‑point boost to annual GDP** over the next decade and supporting **two million manufacturing and construction jobs**. One administration official, speaking on condition of anonymity, suggested that federal funding to states could be tied to regulatory reductions, creating a financial incentive for local governments. The analysis also criticises the green‑energy housing standards introduced under former President Joe Biden, which mandate more efficient HVAC systems and water‑heater requirements. Citing a 2021 National Association of Home Builders study, the report claims these standards could add **up to $31,000** to a new home’s price, with a **payback period of up to 90 years** for homeowners via lower utility bills. While rolling back such standards might lower upfront costs, the report acknowledges potential long‑term utility‑bill increases for owners. Legal challenges further complicate the picture: a Texas federal judge recently sided with 15 Republican‑led states, deeming the Biden‑era standards for federally backed housing **unlawful**. Overall, the White House’s proposal positions regulatory reform as a lever to address the housing deficit, stimulate economic growth, and generate jobs, while navigating the political and environmental trade‑offs inherent in the debate.