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Oil and gas prices experienced a significant decline of almost 10% on Friday following Iran's announcement that the Strait of Hormuz is open to commercial shipping. This development could pave the way for tankers carrying millions of barrels of oil and gas to access the global market.Iran's foreign minister stated that vessels are free to transit the Strait of Hormuz during the 10-day ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon. Brent crude, the international benchmark, fell by 9% to $90 a barrel, while the benchmark European gas contract dropped by about 8.5% to €38.80 (£33.80) per megawatt hour.The US naval blockade on Iran's use of the strait remains in full force, according to Donald Trump, until a deal is reached with Tehran. Trump expressed optimism that the process will move quickly, as most points have already been negotiated.The crisis in the Strait of Hormuz has disrupted supplies of Middle Eastern crude and gas, as well as refined fuels from Gulf refineries, in what the International Energy Agency has described as the biggest energy supply crisis in history. Before the crisis, over 130 ships a day travelled through the strait, but this has reduced to a trickle under threats from Iran's Revolutionary Guards.There are currently around 800 tankers stuck in the Gulf, with about 300 being oil and gas tankers. It remains uncertain whether tankers will be required to pay a fee of about $2m (£1.5m) for safe passage through the strait.Analysts, such as Giovanni Staunovo from UBS, view Iran's comments as a sign of de-escalation, but emphasize the need to see a substantial increase in the number of tankers crossing the strait.

England's women's football team, the Lionesses, are on the cusp of a historic milestone as they prepare to play their 500th game against Iceland in a World Cup qualifier. Manager Sarina Wiegman has stressed the importance of securing a positive result to make their recent 1-0 victory over Spain even more valuable.Wiegman acknowledged that Iceland will present a different challenge, but she is confident that her team is ready. The Lionesses have three wins from three in their qualifying group, and with only the top team from each group in League A securing automatic qualification, the stakes are high.The team has been boosted by the return of Leah Williamson, who has not played since mid-March due to a thigh injury. However, Keira Barry is the only confirmed absence due to ankle problems.Lucy Bronze, who has 146 caps for England, reflected on the significance of the 500th game, saying it's 'insane' to think about. She expressed her pride in being part of the team's history and is optimistic about the future, citing the talent of young players like Lucia Kendall.

Colombia, the largest coal and fourth biggest oil exporter in the Americas, is hosting a groundbreaking global conference this month to drive the long-awaited 'transition away from fossil fuels'. The conference, co-hosted with the Netherlands, aims to break the deadlock in UN climate talks and bring together countries willing to forge ahead with the energy transition.The conference comes at a critical time, with nations embroiled in another oil-inflected war and fuel prices soaring worldwide. Irene Vélez Torres, Colombia's environment minister, said the conference comes in the best possible moment, highlighting the stark choice world leaders face between oil, gas and coal and cleaner, safer renewable energy.Countries are paying the price for oil addiction, not just in their energy bills but in food prices, consumer inflation, shortages, and businesses threatened with collapse. The oil crisis, sparked by the US-Israeli attack on Iran, is spotlighting the risks of fossil fuel dependency.Some countries, like the UK, are already making the switch to renewable energy, with record numbers of households turning to solar panels, electric vehicles and heat pumps. Global power generation from coal and gas has fallen, while renewables have surged ahead, with solar generation up 14% and wind by 8%.The conference aims to bring together countries that want to forge ahead with the energy transition, with 54 countries confirmed to attend, representing about a fifth of global fossil fuel production and a third of demand. However, some of the world's biggest economies and biggest polluters, including the US, China, India, Russia and the Gulf petro states, will be missing.Colombia and the Netherlands hope to create a 'coalition of the willing' to drive the transition away from fossil fuels, with a focus on tangible outcomes, including a report by scientists on how countries can make the transition and a report from finance experts on how funding can be made available.

Modern combat has been reshaped by the Russia‑Ukraine war, the Gaza clashes, India‑Pakistan skirmishes and the recent US‑Israel strikes on Iran, driving an unprecedented global appetite for drones, missiles and sophisticated air‑defence systems. Turkey, a leading military power in the Middle East, is positioning itself as a key supplier in this booming market. At the heart of Turkey’s push is Roketsan, a firm founded in 1988 to equip the Turkish Armed Forces. Today the company exports to roughly 50 nations and is counted among the fastest‑growing defence enterprises worldwide. Bypassing Western embargoes has been a catalyst for this growth. After the United States imposed CAATSA sanctions in 2020 and removed Turkey from the F‑35 programme, Ankara was forced to develop an indigenous defence ecosystem. The result is a network of nearly 4,000 small and medium‑sized enterprises that now supplies over 90 % of the components used in Turkish weapons. Financially, the strategy is paying off. In 2025 Turkish defence exports reached $10 billion. Roketsan’s General Manager Murat Ikinci told Al Jazeera the firm sits at 71st place among global defence firms and is targeting a climb into the top 50, then top 20, and ultimately the top 10 by the end of the decade. To fuel this ambition, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan inaugurated a suite of new facilities last week, including: Europe’s largest warhead production plant. A new R&D centre employing 1,000 engineers. The “Kirikkale” complex dedicated to rocket‑fuel research. Infrastructure for mass‑producing ballistic and cruise missiles. The construction represents a $1 billion outlay, with an additional $2 billion earmarked for scaling up production capacity. Roketsan’s R&D engine—the third‑largest in Turkey with 3,200 engineers—draws heavily on lessons from ongoing wars. The Ukraine conflict highlighted the effectiveness of cheap FPV and AI‑guided kamikaze drones, prompting Roketsan to field systems such as the ALKA and BURC air‑defences and the laser‑guided CIRIT missile. Recent US‑Israel operations against Iran have underscored the threat posed by low‑cost Iranian‑designed Shahed drones, now upgraded with Russian “Kometa‑B” anti‑jamming modules. These swarms have overwhelmed regional defences and even struck a British base in Cyprus in March 2026, while NATO intercepted three Iranian ballistic missiles that entered Turkish airspace. In response, Roketsan is advancing the “Tayfun” (Typhoon) missile family. The flagship Tayfun Block 4 is a hypersonic ballistic missile designed to pierce advanced air‑defence layers at extreme speeds. When pressed for specifics, Ikinci declined to disclose the exact range, noting only that it is “sufficient.” Strategically, Turkey is shifting away from Western dependence toward an “Eastern” partnership model. Roketsan now offers joint production and technology‑development agreements, establishing co‑located facilities and R&D centres across the Middle East, Far East and Europe. Qatar has been cited as a flagship example of this collaborative approach. Roketsan has identified five priority product lines to meet rising global demand: Long‑range ballistic and cruise missiles. Advanced air‑defence systems, including “Steel Dome”, Hisar‑A, Hisar‑O and Siper. Submarine‑launched cruise missiles leveraging the AKYA system. Smart micro‑munitions for armed drones. Long‑range air‑to‑air missiles, a capability highlighted by the recent India‑Pakistan clash. The timing is critical. Ongoing conflicts have depleted the stockpiles of high‑end air‑defence assets worldwide. During the US‑Israel‑Iran confrontation, the United States relied heavily on Patriot and THAAD systems, raising concerns that interceptor inventories could run low. Gulf states, which have logged over 1,000 drone sightings in their airspace, are actively seeking alternative solutions—an opening that Turkey’s self‑sufficient supply chain is poised to fill. Analysts warn that even major powers like the United States will need years to rebuild their air‑defence inventories due to the complexity of production. Turkey’s claim of near‑complete domestic manufacturing positions it as a ready supplier for nations eager to diversify away from traditional Western sources. As demand for missiles and drones surges, Roketsan is reinvesting its revenues into expanding production infrastructure, aiming to cement its place among the world’s elite defence exporters.

UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer is facing renewed criticism over the appointment of Peter Mandelson as ambassador to Washington, following reports that Mandelson failed security vetting due to his ties to late sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.A government spokesperson denied that Starmer had any knowledge of the Foreign Office overriding the security recommendation regarding Mandelson, who was sacked in September after less than a year in the role over his links to Epstein.The controversy deepened after UK newspaper The Guardian reported that Mandelson had initially been denied clearance in late January 2025 after a 'highly confidential background check by security officials', but that Starmer had already announced the appointment.Opposition leaders accused Starmer of misleading Parliament and called for his resignation, with Kemi Badenoch, leader of the UK Conservative Party, saying Starmer had wrongly said Mandelson cleared the vetting.The scandal over Mandelson's relationship with Epstein has already forced the resignation of two senior government officials and led to police opening an investigation into allegations of misconduct in office by Mandelson.

Social media erupted this week after US media outlets reported that FIFA had prohibited tailgating at the 2026 World Cup stadiums. Fans quickly challenged the claim, pointing to FIFA’s own statement that it "does not have a formal policy that restricts tailgating".FIFA clarified that while there is no global ban, individual venues may impose restrictions in line with local public‑safety regulations. The organization added that detailed fan guidance will be released well before the tournament kicks off.In the United States, tailgating is a long‑standing pre‑match tradition where supporters park near the stadium, grill, drink and socialize for hours before kickoff. The practice, especially popular at NFL games, is considered an essential part of the American match‑day experience.American fans argue that banning the activity would strip away a cultural hallmark. One Philadelphia supporter wrote on X, "FIFA doesn’t understand that you physically cannot stop Philadelphians from tailgating." Others noted that international visitors often enjoy the festive atmosphere, citing videos from the 2025 FIFA Club World Cup.Nevertheless, the Boston organising committee has already announced that tailgating "is not permitted for these events," highlighting the patchwork of local rules that could affect the World Cup.Security protocols for major tournaments require two concentric perimeters around each stadium: an outer ring focused on crowd safety and an inner ring for ticket verification. The exact placement of the outer perimeter depends on each venue’s layout, parking capacity and access routes, and it is designed to keep "unauthorised persons" away from the stadium building.Because FIFA cedes day‑of‑match security decisions to local organising committees, the final stance on tailgating will likely be decided by city officials and may not be disclosed until closer to the event.The United States will host 78 of the 104 matches across 10 venues, including the newly renamed Los Angeles Stadium (formerly SoFi Stadium) for the opening match and the New York‑New Jersey Stadium (formerly MetLife Stadium) for the final. Other sites are Boston’s Gillette Stadium, Philadelphia’s Lincoln Financial Field, Dallas’s AT&T Stadium, Seattle’s Lumen Field, Kansas City’s Arrowhead Stadium, Miami’s Hard Rock Stadium, Atlanta’s Mercedes‑Benz Stadium, Houston’s NRG Stadium, and the San Francisco Bay Area’s Levi’s Stadium.Until local authorities release definitive guidelines, the fate of tailgating at the 2026 World Cup remains an open question, leaving fans to await clarification on whether their beloved pre‑game rituals will survive the tournament’s security framework.

The US State Department has introduced visa restrictions for individuals from countries in the Western Hemisphere who support US adversaries, undermining America's interests in the region. This move is part of the Trump administration's efforts to expand US influence across the Western Hemisphere.The policy change comes as President Donald Trump seeks to assert US dominance in the region through his 'Donroe Doctrine', a modern interpretation of the 19th-century Monroe Doctrine. The doctrine aims to counter growing Chinese influence in Latin America and combat drug trafficking.The State Department has identified 26 individuals who have already had their visas revoked under this new policy. These individuals are accused of 'knowingly directing, authorizing, funding, or providing significant support to' US adversaries in the Western Hemisphere.Activities that could lead to visa restrictions include enabling adversarial powers to acquire strategic resources, destabilizing regional security efforts, undermining American economic interests, and conducting influence operations to undermine the sovereignty and stability of nations in the region.This move continues a trend under the Trump administration of revoking visas from foreign critics and political opponents. Examples include the revocation of visas for pro-Palestine protesters and individuals with ties to the Iranian government.The Trump administration has also taken a more militaristic approach towards Latin American governments deemed adversarial, including a recent attack on Venezuela and a fuel blockade against Cuba. These actions have resulted in significant humanitarian concerns, including dozens of deaths in Venezuela and at least 177 people killed in lethal strikes on alleged drug-smuggling boats.

Beirut, Lebanon – In late March, authorities abandoned a proposed shelter for war‑displaced residents in the Karantina neighbourhood after a wave of public protest.Opponents, including local politicians and community activists, cited practical concerns such as traffic congestion near the port and health risks. However, the core of the backlash was sectarian: many Christian residents invoked demographic fears, chanting slogans reminiscent of the 1975‑1990 Lebanese Civil War to block housing for the predominantly Shia‑Muslim displaced population.The controversy resurfaced painful memories of the 1976 Karantina massacre, when right‑wing Phalangist forces expelled and killed thousands of Muslims. Historian Diala Lteif, researching the district’s history, estimates the death toll at 1,000‑3,000. She warned that the current rhetoric mirrors the “foundational logic” of that tragedy – a drive to segregate neighbourhoods.Israel’s intensified campaign against Lebanon has already forced the displacement of approximately 1.2 million people. The war, reignited on March 2 after Hezbollah’s retaliatory rocket fire, has seen Israeli troops and air strikes devastate southern towns and parts of Beirut, heightening fears that hosting displaced families could draw further attacks.Amid these tensions, a 10‑day ceasefire is slated to begin, yet many Lebanese worry the violence could spiral into renewed communal conflict or even a civil war.Experts note that the association of displaced Shia communities with Hezbollah fuels anxiety. Lara Deeb, an anthropologist at Scripps College, explained that Lebanon’s sectarian political system blurs the line between a religious group and a political party, amplifying mistrust across the board.While the cancelled site remains unused, another displacement centre operated by the Lebanese charity Offre Joie continues to function in Karantina. It currently shelters about 1,000 displaced families from the south, the Bekaa Valley, and Beirut’s southern suburbs.Volunteer Marie Daou described the centre’s conditions as comparatively decent, with reliable hot water and regular meals. Security forces monitor the residents’ identities, and no occupants have left despite more than 40 days of conflict.One resident, 30‑year‑old Nadine, fled her home in Burj al‑Barajneh on March 2. She now lives with five siblings at the centre, saying, “For now, we’re staying here. You can’t go back because there is danger, but nowhere is safe. We will endure.”The episode highlights how historic sectarian wounds intersect with today’s geopolitical crisis, shaping public policy and community responses in a Lebanon already strained by war and displacement.

The U.S. House of Representatives voted to prolong Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for an estimated 350,000 Haitian nationals residing in the United States, marking a clear departure from President Donald Trump’s immigration agenda. In a tightly contested vote, the measure passed 224 to 204, with ten Republicans breaking ranks to join the Democratic majority. The legislation would keep TPS in place for an additional three years, citing the persistent violence and political instability that continue to plague Haiti. Following House approval, the bill proceeds to the Senate, where its fate remains uncertain. Should it clear that chamber, Trump has signaled he would veto the extension, setting up a direct showdown between the executive branch and a bipartisan Congress. Democratic Representative Ayanna Pressley, co‑chair of the House Haiti Caucus, hailed the vote as “a monumental victory” and emphasized that the decision reflects both practical policy and humanitarian responsibility. The legislation advanced through a bipartisan discharge petition, a procedural tool that circumvents the Republican leadership’s control of the House agenda, underscoring the urgency lawmakers feel about protecting Haitian residents. President Trump and his administration have repeatedly sought to roll back TPS designations, arguing that prior extensions exceeded executive authority and conflicted with U.S. “national interests.” This stance is part of a broader effort to tighten immigration controls, including proposals to deport Haitian legal permanent residents alleged to have gang ties. TPS, by design, shields foreign nationals already in the U.S. from removal when their home countries face temporary crises such as natural disasters or armed conflict, while also granting limited work authorization. Haiti’s deteriorating security situation—exacerbated since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse—has seen powerful gangs dominate large swaths of Port‑au‑Prince, prompting the State Department to issue travel warnings for U.S. citizens. Advocacy groups warn that the looming threat of deportation adds severe stress to Haitian communities in the United States, urging Congress to act swiftly to prevent further trauma. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court is slated to hear a case that could accelerate the administration’s push to rescind deportation protections for both Haitians and Syrians, adding another layer of legal uncertainty to the issue.