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Big Mood returns for a second season on Channel 4, aiming to blend a serious look at bipolar disorder with broad‑scale comedy. Lead actress Nicola Coughlan reprises Maggie, now emerging from a harrowing episode of lithium poisoning that left her hallucinating and confused. The debut series introduced Maggie in the throes of a manic episode, followed by a depressive crash after she stopped her medication to protect her creative output. While the first season earned praise for its insightful depiction of mental illness, the new installment quickly pivots toward slapstick scenarios – from a militant maid of honour to a secret‑husband extortion plot – that dilute the original emotional weight. Central to the drama is Maggie’s strained bond with best friend Eddie, played by Lydia West. Their friendship, already intense in season one, becomes increasingly implausible as Eddie abandons London for California without explanation. In season two, Eddie resurfaces under the control of a dubious wellness guru named Whitney, who has siphoned her finances and seeks to erase any lingering connection with Maggie. Rather than deepening the exploration of mental health, the series now focuses on a far‑cical showdown between the two women. Maggie, now in a “stable girl” routine of retinol and Hello Fresh meals, obsessively attempts to expose Whitney as a fraud, enlisting Eddie’s friend Will – a character described as “incorrigibly nice” yet treated with contempt by both protagonists. The tonal shift raises questions about the show’s core ambition. While Coughlan delivers an empathetic performance that captures Maggie’s inner turmoil, the surrounding plotlines feel disjointed and at times toxic, especially in the portrayal of the once‑intoxicating platonic romance that now appears more destructive than supportive. Humor, inherently subjective, may still resonate with viewers who appreciate the series’ millennial‑centric chaos. However, the blend of “knockabout farce” with moments of genuine drama feels uneven, suggesting that the show’s initial promise of a heartfelt, realistic bipolar narrative has been eclipsed by over‑reaching comedic contrivances. In conclusion, Big Mood season two struggles to reconcile its dual aims. The ambitious premise that once offered a nuanced look at mental illness now feels buried beneath a barrage of gimmicks, leaving audiences to wonder whether it’s time for the characters – and perhaps the series itself – to move on.

Iran has deployed small surface vessels to lay mines in parts of the Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway for global shipping. The exact number of mines laid is unknown, but Iran has left a path open to ships that are prepared to pay a toll.According to US officials, Iran has indicated that it cannot locate all of the mines that it has laid and lacks the capability to remove them. The mines are part of an array of offensive options available to Iran in the strait, including cheap drones, anti-ship missiles, and fast-attack small vessels.Iran is thought to have deployed two main types of mine: the Maham 3 and the Maham 7. The Maham 3 is an anchored, 300kg mine that can be used in waters as deep as 100 meters, while the Maham 7 is a bottom-resting 220kg mine for use in shallower waters.The US plans to use uncrewed marine mine-hunting vehicles, such as the Knifefish undersea mine hunter, to clear the mines. The US could also deploy the AN/ASQ-235 (Archerfish) airborne mine neutralization system from an MH 60S helicopter.The global economy's reliance on maritime trade gives countries deploying mines an outsized leverage compared with the relatively low cost of laying the mines. It takes only a small number of mines to close sea lanes, not least because some mines can be set to detonate after a certain number of ships have passed over, creating uncertainty.

Rebuilding opens on a bleak, charred horizon, introducing Dusty (Josh O’Connor), a Colorado rancher whose ancestral land has been reduced to ash by a recent wildfire. A bank official’s blunt refusal to extend a loan underscores the decade‑long bleak outlook for the barren property.Stripped of his home, Dusty relocates to a spartan, government‑funded trailer camp and takes a humbling highway‑maintenance job. The film deepens his personal stakes through interactions with his ex‑wife Ruby (Meghann Fahy), their ten‑year‑old daughter Callie‑Rose (Lily LaTorre), and his ailing mother‑in‑law Bess, portrayed by Oscar‑winner Amy Madigan. A poignant scene shows Dusty ferrying Callie‑Rose to the local library, where they share a shaky Wi‑Fi connection for her schoolwork.Amid the trailer community, Dusty forms a tentative bond with the resilient Mali (Kali Reis), hinting at a potential romance beyond mere friendship. Their collective moments around a campfire evoke the tone of Chloé Zhao’s Nomadland, positioning the film within a growing genre of American stories about displacement and survival.Notably, the narrative avoids direct references to climate change or governmental responsibility, presenting the wildfire as an isolated tragedy rather than a symptom of a broader environmental crisis. This omission mirrors a recurring pattern in U.S. cinema, where the focus remains on personal resilience rather than systemic solutions.O’Connor delivers a nuanced performance, channeling the restrained British sensibility of his earlier work into Dusty’s quiet strength and vulnerability. His portrayal anchors the film’s emotional core, while the supporting cast—particularly Madigan’s compassionate Bess and Reis’s tough‑yet‑tender Mali—adds depth to the community portrait.Rebuilding arrives in UK cinemas on 17 April, offering audiences a contemplative look at loss, renewal, and the fragile ties that bind families and strangers alike.

For the first time in Hollywood history, an authorized generative‑AI version of a major star headlines a feature film. The western As Deep As the Grave showcases a digitally recreated Val Kilmer, whose voice was synthesized by UK‑based firm Sonantic using archival recordings. The project, delayed by Kilmer’s death in April 2025, received full cooperation from his estate and his daughter Mercedes, who helped craft the visual deep‑fake of the actor. Mercedes Kilmer confirmed that her father embraced emerging technologies as a storytelling tool, a sentiment the filmmakers say they honored throughout production. At Wednesday’s CinemaCon trade show in Las Vegas, the trailer revealed that Kilmer’s character, Father Fintan—a Catholic priest and Native American spiritualist—appears for roughly one hour of screen time. The footage shows the priest at different ages, including a spectral elder who advises a child, “Don’t fear the dead and don’t fear me.” Writer‑director Coerte Voorhees explained that the narrative was built around Kilmer’s heritage and his love of the Southwest. He added that the production adhered to SAG‑AFTRA guidelines and that the estate was financially compensated for the use of archival material. The film also stars Tom Felton, Abigail Breslin and Abigail Lawrie. In a March interview with Variety, Voorhees noted that Kilmer’s family repeatedly emphasized the project’s importance to the late actor. The Kilmer case follows a growing trend of AI‑generated performances. In 2022, Bruce Willis consented to a digital twin after a dementia diagnosis, while actors such as Matthew McConaughey and Michael Caine have licensed their voices to AI firms for approved uses. Estates of legends like Laurence Olivier, Judy Garland and James Dean have similarly partnered with the marketplace ElevenLabs. Beyond film, celebrities are exploring AI for digital meet‑and‑greets; Paris Hilton and Kendall Jenner have reportedly signed deals with Meta for AI‑powered appearances on Instagram, and users can even query an AI version of Deepak Chopra for advice on a range of topics. Nevertheless, some stars remain cautious. Morgan Freeman, Tom Hanks and Scarlett Johansson have publicly expressed skepticism about deep‑fake replicas of their likenesses.

Recent talks in Islamabad between Washington and Tehran collapsed, reflecting the stark mismatch between the United States' 15‑point proposal and Iran's 10‑point counter‑offer. The brief negotiations, led by U.S. Vice‑President JD Vance, failed to bridge core disagreements on nuclear policy and regional security. Vance attributed the breakdown to Iran's outright rejection of U.S. terms, while President Donald Trump responded by imposing a naval blockade of the Strait of Hormuz. Such a blockade is legally an act of war, raising the specter of Iranian retaliation against Gulf monarchies and a sharp spike in global oil, diesel, and LNG prices. Both sides, however, have not ruled out renewed negotiations. Pakistan and Egypt are quietly mediating, recognizing that a renewed conflict would deepen President Trump's domestic challenges—rising inflation, declining poll numbers, and the approaching midterm elections—while also exacerbating Iran's economic hardship and social unrest. The proposed diplomatic framework focuses on three pillars: Limited uranium enrichment: The U.S. would acknowledge Iran's right, under the Non‑Proliferation Treaty, to enrich uranium for peaceful purposes, capping enrichment at 3.67% (the 2015 JCPOA limit). Monitoring would be conducted by the IAEA through electronic and on‑site inspections, with a potential 20‑year renewable agreement. Sanctions relief and asset release: In exchange for Iran dropping its demand for war reparations, the United States would lift primary and secondary sanctions and unfreeze all Iranian assets. Additionally, Iran would be authorized to levy a $2 million fee per oil tanker transiting Hormuz, shared with Oman, provided it guarantees innocent passage under a multinational oversight coalition that includes Russia and China. Security guarantees: Iran would issue a written pledge not to develop nuclear weapons, echoing the late Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s injunction. Simultaneously, the U.S. and UN Security Council would endorse a non‑aggression pact between the two nations, with parallel agreements possible for Gulf states. For the plan to succeed, three conditions must be met: Washington must make genuine concessions; President Trump must extend the 22 April cease‑fire deadline and allow sufficient time for complex negotiations; and any Israeli offensive against Iran must be avoided, as it would jeopardize the entire process. Rajan Menon, professor emeritus of international relations at CUNY’s Powell School and senior research fellow at Columbia University’s Saltzman Institute, outlines this pragmatic approach as a means to avert a full‑scale war and secure a durable peace in the Middle East.

The heads of Amazon MGM Studios used Wednesday’s CinemaCon trade show to temper expectations surrounding the next James Bond film. Executives confirmed that the iconic spy has not yet been cast, citing a deliberate, respectful approach to the decision.Courtenay Valenti, Amazon MGM’s head of film, addressed the crowd with a measured tone: “We know you’re eager to learn who will embody James Bond, but we’re taking the time to do this with care and deep respect.” She stressed that the role is “a lifetime dream” and a responsibility the studio does not take lightly.Valenti highlighted the caliber of talent attached to the project, noting that the franchise will be paired with renowned director Denis Villeneuve, acclaimed producers Amy Pascal and David Heyman, executive producer Tanya Lapointe, and screenwriter Steven Knight. This combination, she argued, sets the stage for a film worthy of the Bond legacy.The upcoming installment is slated for a 2028 release, implying that principal photography is likely to commence in late 2026. The timeline follows earlier announcements in June 2025 (Villeneuve as director) and August 2025 (Knight as writer).Speculation about potential leads has centered on three actors: Callum Turner, Aaron Taylor‑Johnson, and Jacob Elordi. If Elordi were chosen, he would become the youngest, tallest, and second Australian to portray the famed spy.Despite his recent Oscar‑nominated turn in Frankenstein and a high‑profile role in Wuthering Heights, Elordi’s schedule appears unusually open, fueling further conjecture.Valenti concluded with confidence: “The film is coming, and when the time is right, we’ll have much more to share.”

Israel has appointed Michael Lotem as its first ambassador to Somaliland, marking the latest milestone after the country officially recognized the self‑declared state in December 2025. Lotem, who previously served as Israel’s ambassador to Kenya, was announced by Israel’s public broadcaster on Wednesday. Somaliland’s president, Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi, hailed the appointment in a joint parliamentary session, declaring Israel a “reliable partner” and prompting applause from lawmakers. In stark contrast, Somalia’s foreign ministry condemned the decision, labeling it a “direct breach” of Somali sovereignty and unity. The condemnation echoed broader disapproval from the UN Security Council, the African Union, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation and the European Union, all of which have criticized Israel’s recognition of Somaliland. Since the December announcement, diplomatic activity has accelerated. Israeli foreign minister Gideon Saar visited Hargeisa in January, and Somaliland’s water ministry sent a delegation to Israel for training in water‑management techniques. President Abdullahi told Reuters in February that a trade agreement with Israel is expected soon. Israel has also granted diplomatic approval to Mohamed Hagi, a presidential adviser instrumental in securing recognition, designating him as Somaliland’s first ambassador to Israel. Somali officials warn that the deepening ties could destabilise the region. President of Somalia earlier this year called Israel’s outreach the “gravest attack” on Somali sovereignty and suggested Israel might seek to establish a military base to launch operations against Yemen. Geographically, Somaliland sits across the Gulf of Aden from Yemen, where the Iran‑backed Houthi movement controls the northwest and remains hostile to Israel. The Houthis have publicly stated that any Israeli presence in Somaliland would be a legitimate target. In March, Somaliland’s minister of the presidency, Khadar Hussein Abdi, told Bloomberg that the country aims for a “strategic relationship” with Israel that includes security cooperation. He did not rule out the possibility of an Israeli military base, noting that such a decision “will be analysed at some point.” Somalia’s state minister for foreign affairs, Ali Omar, reiterated to Al Jazeera that Somalia does not want its territory drawn into external confrontations that could further destabilise an already sensitive region. The appointment of an Israeli ambassador therefore not only solidifies bilateral ties but also introduces new strategic calculations for regional actors, potentially reshaping security dynamics in the Horn of Africa and the broader Red Sea corridor.

Antonio Guterres urged the international community to stop all arms shipments to Sudan as the conflict entered its fourth year, warning that the continued flow of weapons threatens to exacerbate an already dire humanitarian situation. The UN chief highlighted that the protracted war has led to massive civilian casualties, displacement, and a collapse of essential services, and that further arming of warring factions will only deepen the crisis. Guterres called on regional powers and global suppliers to honor existing embargoes and to cooperate with UN mechanisms aimed at monitoring and restricting illicit arms transfers. He emphasized that a decisive halt to weapon deliveries is a prerequisite for any meaningful peace negotiations and for restoring stability in the Horn of Africa. While the statement did not specify new sanctions, the appeal underscores the UN’s growing frustration with the lack of progress in diplomatic efforts and the persistent inflow of arms that fuels the conflict. International observers note that curbing the arms flow could create a more favorable environment for ceasefire talks, potentially easing the suffering of millions of Sudanese who have endured years of violence and displacement.

The prospect of a renewed U.S. oil blockade has sparked concerns across Havana’s tobacco fields, where the cigar industry remains a cultural and economic cornerstone. Analysts warn that restricting oil supplies could disrupt the energy‑intensive processes essential for curing, rolling, and transporting premium cigars, potentially undermining production volumes and export revenues. Cuba’s cigar sector accounts for a significant share of the island’s foreign‑exchange earnings, with premium brands commanding premium prices in markets worldwide. A sustained energy shortage would not only raise operational costs but could also force producers to scale back output or seek alternative, less efficient energy sources, eroding the competitive edge that Cuban cigars have long enjoyed. Beyond the immediate economic impact, the blockade could deepen existing tensions in U.S.-Cuba relations. The move may be interpreted as a strategic lever to pressure the Cuban government, yet it also risks alienating stakeholders in the global tobacco trade and could invite retaliatory measures. While the full extent of the blockade’s effect remains uncertain, experts stress that any disruption to the cigar supply chain would reverberate through related sectors—tourism, agriculture, and logistics—exacerbating the island’s broader fiscal challenges. Policymakers on both sides are therefore urged to weigh the economic costs against geopolitical objectives before implementing such a measure.