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Opening new oil and gas fields in the North Sea would send a shock wave around the world, senior climate diplomats warned, saying the move would imperil international climate targets, erode the United Kingdom’s reputation as a climate leader and embolden developing countries to exploit their own fossil‑fuel reserves.The UK government faces intense lobbying from the oil industry, Conservative MPs, Nigel Farage’s Reform UK party, certain trade unions and factions within the Treasury. Yet research shows that new drilling would do little to lower energy prices and would have almost no impact on gas imports.Two of the remaining large North Sea prospects – the Rosebank and Jackdaw fields – sit in a basin that is over 90% depleted and increasingly costly to develop. Even if fully exploited, they would displace only about 1% and 2% of the UK’s gas imports respectively, according to recent analysis.Senior figures in international climate diplomacy described the prospect of new drilling as dangerous for global emissions‑reduction efforts and a step back from the phase‑out of fossil fuels.Lord Nicolas Stern, professor at the London School of Economics, warned that “new drilling and a slowdown in climate action would be bad for growth and for energy security in the UK, and a damaging signal for the world.” He added that the UK’s pioneering climate legislation and its role as the first G7 nation to commit to net‑zero by 2050 give its actions “extra weight” on the global stage.An anonymous senior African negotiator reacted angrily to the proposal, stating that Africa would “reject any proposal for the UK to expand oil drilling” because it is “fundamentally inconsistent with both the letter and spirit of the Paris Agreement” and would “weaken trust with climate‑vulnerable nations”.Christiana Figueres, former UN climate chief and co‑founder of the Global Optimism think‑tank, argued that true energy independence lies in “scaling clean, domestic energy, not in extending the life of declining industries”. She cautioned that reverting to old‑fashioned oil expansion would lock in infrastructure at odds with the direction of the global energy system.The UK has been a vocal supporter of an upcoming conference in Colombia on the “transition away from fossil fuels”, a pledge made three years ago at COP28 that remains largely unfulfilled. However, the Guardian learned that Ed Miliband, the UK secretary of state for energy security and net‑zero, will not attend; the government’s climate envoy, Rachel Kyte, will travel in his place.Campaigners had urged Miliband’s presence, citing his pivotal role in securing a last‑minute deal at COP30 in Brazil last November.Experts caution that licensing new fields before the Colombian summit could undermine progress in persuading developing nations to forgo fossil‑fuel‑based economies and adopt cleaner energy pathways.Mohamed Adow, director of the Power Shift Africa think‑tank, warned that a UK approval would “send a shock wave around the world that short‑term interests are being prioritised over long‑term responsibility”. He stressed that many African countries are being asked to leapfrog to clean energy with limited financial support, and that wealthy nations continuing to invest in fossil fuels “undermine this message and diminish their credibility”.Several developing‑country officials echoed this concern, asking, “Why shouldn’t we tap into our own fossil‑fuel resources if the UK is doing so?” They argued that leadership on climate must be consistent with actions.An ally of Miliband praised the UK’s stance, calling “no new exploration licences” a “landmark global leadership position” that shows a major oil‑producing country can align policy with climate science to avoid a 3‑4°C warming scenario.A government spokesperson reaffirmed the administration’s commitment, stating that the UK has placed “clean energy and climate at the heart of its agenda”, and that it will continue to “stop issuing licences to explore new fields, in line with the science and in securing a just transition in the North Sea”.

JP Morgan Chase has secured approval from London City Airport to build one of Europe's tallest office towers in the east of the capital. The planned £3bn tower, set to be the tallest in the Canary Wharf financial district, will serve as JP Morgan's new UK headquarters.The two sides have agreed that the tower could be 265 meters tall, approximately 30 meters taller than One Canada Square, currently the tallest building in Canary Wharf. The new building will span 279,000 sq meters (3 million sq ft) and house more than half of JP Morgan's 23,000 UK staff.Any new developments within 10km of the airport are considered to be within its 'area of interest', requiring consultation with airport officials to ensure new buildings do not interfere with aircraft movements. Following the conclusion of talks with City airport, JP Morgan is finalizing the tower designs and will soon apply for planning permission.The project is expected to add almost £10bn to the UK economy over six years and create about 7,800 construction-related jobs. Questions are being raised about the financial inducements JP Morgan has sought from the UK government, including a discount on business rates, despite the bank's $57bn (£43bn) net income in 2025.The Treasury has proposed a discount on rates of 'up to 100%' over 'a period of years', potentially representing a saving of hundreds of millions of pounds. The site would generate up to £1.6bn in rates over 25 years if there were no discount.

The United States has long honored past presidents by naming airports, dams and monuments after them, but President Donald Trump is pushing the practice to an extreme, seeking to become the most commemorated leader in American history. Less than a year and a half into his second term, Trump’s brand has proliferated across government buildings, federal agencies and even consumer platforms. In February, the administration unveiled TrumpRx, a prescription‑drug website that listed only 43 medications—most of which are available as cheaper generics elsewhere—yet proudly displayed the former president’s signature and logo. Just weeks later, the White House and the U.S. Navy announced a new "Trump class" of battleships, billed as the "largest ever built." A Pentagon release noted that the Navy has not used battleships in combat for 35 years, suggesting the project is more a vanity exercise than a strategic necessity. Federal institutions have not been spared. In December 2025 the U.S. Institute of Peace was renamed the "Donald J. Trump United States Institute of Peace," a move the White House framed as a reminder of "strong leadership" for global stability—just weeks before the administration launched a military strike on Iran. Trump’s influence extended to the arts when, in February 2025, he appointed a new board to the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts and installed himself as chair. The board voted in December to rename the venue the "Donald J. Trump and John F. Kennedy Center," a change that immediately faced a legal challenge. Republican lawmakers have largely embraced the naming spree. One congressman introduced legislation to carve Trump’s likeness onto Mount Rushmore, while another proposed naming a major airport after him, underscoring the party’s willingness to reward the president’s personal brand. Political scientist Steven Levitsky of Harvard warned that Trump operates "unconstrained" by advisers or party elders, noting that today’s Republican ambition often hinges on pleasing the president, including attaching his name to public projects. Visual propaganda has also surged. Giant banners bearing Trump’s image now hang from the Department of Justice and the Department of Labor buildings, a rarity for a sitting president and a practice more typical of authoritarian regimes, according to Princeton sociologist Kim L. Scheppele. Beyond buildings, the administration has pursued numismatic honors. A 24‑karat gold coin featuring Trump standing over a desk was approved by a hand‑picked arts commission, and drafts of a new $1 coin displayed an air‑brushed profile of the former president. The Treasury Department announced that Trump’s signature will appear on U.S. paper currency later this year, a move Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent described as a "powerful way to recognize historic achievements" of the nation. Critics argue that the public does not share the president’s enthusiasm. The 2026 National Parks Pass, which traditionally showcases natural scenery, sparked outrage when a draft featured Trump’s stern face with a spectral George Washington behind him. A cottage industry of stickers emerged to cover the image, forcing the National Park Service to warn that such alterations could void the pass. White House spokesperson Davis Ingle defended the branding, claiming it reflects Trump’s “vast accomplishments,” including the largest tax cut in history and border security measures. Yet scholars and opponents contend that the relentless self‑promotion blurs the line between public service and personal aggrandizement. As the branding campaign continues, legal challenges, public pushback, and questions about fiscal priorities suggest that Trump’s quest to name everything after himself may soon encounter more than just decorative resistance.

The United States has lifted sanctions against Venezuela's interim President Delcy Rodriguez, following her assumption of power after the abduction and imprisonment of her predecessor, Nicolas Maduro.The US Department of the Treasury updated its website to reflect Rodriguez's removal from the Specially Designated Nationals List, easing restrictions that had been in place since 2018.Rodriguez welcomed the decision, calling it a positive step towards normalizing relations between Venezuela and the US. She also urged the US to lift additional sanctions on Venezuelan entities and individuals.The move is seen as part of a shift in US-Venezuela relations, with Rodriguez taking a conciliatory approach to engage with the US. This includes efforts to open Venezuela's economy to greater outside investment, particularly in the oil and mining sectors.However, critics have raised concerns about the circumstances under which these reforms have progressed, given the US's continued pressure on Venezuela and the international community's concerns about human rights abuses in the country.The US embassy in Caracas has resumed operations after a seven-year closure, and international organizations like the United Nations have highlighted ongoing human rights issues in Venezuela.

Former Labour adviser Polly Billington – who served under Gordon Brown – has urged Prime Minister Keir Starmer to organise a global energy summit of the scale and urgency that marked the UK’s 2008 financial‑crisis intervention. She argues that the fallout from the US‑Israeli war on Iran is creating an energy shock “as big as the financial crash”, demanding a response of equal magnitude. Billington warned that the economic pain from soaring energy prices is “hurtling down the tracks”, threatening living standards and providing fertile ground for extremist politics. She stresses that the price surge will be neither temporary nor confined to a single region. While she praised the government’s initiative to bring together 35 nations to discuss reopening the Strait of Hormuz, Billington insists that a broader, coordinated effort is required to stabilise energy markets, protect supply chains, and accelerate the transition away from fossil fuels. “We could be bringing together allies to agree emergency cooperation to stabilise energy markets, protect supply chains, coordinate strategic reserves, and accelerate the global transition away from fossil fuels,” she told The Guardian. “Energy security is inseparable from global security; otherwise we face a ‘Hunger Games’ world of resource conflict, scarcity and coercion.” Her call comes amid growing unease among Labour MPs who fear the government is under‑reacting to the domestic impact of the war. Rising petrol prices, higher energy bills and inflation are already prompting concerns about electoral repercussions. At a recent press conference, the Prime Minister announced that the Treasury is drafting targeted support for households most affected by energy costs, should the conflict persist. Yet opposition parties are pushing divergent solutions: Reform UK and the Conservatives advocate increased domestic drilling, the Liberal Democrats propose a 10p fuel‑duty cut and VAT relief for electric‑vehicle charging, while the Greens call for universal energy‑bill support. The Scottish National Party demanded an emergency parliamentary recall, accusing the government of “sleepwalking into a crisis”. Billington argues that a true “war‑footing” approach must focus on reducing Britain’s reliance on fossil fuels. She praises the Treasury’s decision to avoid a blanket bailout, suggesting instead that households install plug‑in solar panels on balconies and gardens – likening them to Anderson shelters in the Second World War – to bolster collective resilience and lower bills. She adds that no policy option should be dismissed as “too radical”, urging the government to consider all measures that could cut exposure to gas and oil. Another Labour MP echoed the sentiment, stating that merely highlighting bill reductions is insufficient when headlines indicate that prices are set to rise sharply due to the Iran conflict. “I want to hear a concrete Labour plan,” he said. On Thursday, Liberal Democrat leader Ed Davey branded the rising fuel costs a “Trump‑Farage‑Badenoch tax”, calling for immediate action to mitigate the economic fallout of the war and keep Britain moving.

Britain is confronting the most severe energy shock since the early 1970s, as exports of oil, gas and fertiliser from the Middle East have abruptly stopped. The government says a response plan exists, but details remain vague. It is unclear whether the UK is better prepared for the fallout from Donald Trump’s war with Iran than it was for the pandemic six years ago. Ministers are sending a "we have your back" message to the public while simultaneously signalling to financial markets that any assistance will be limited and targeted. Contingency planning is especially difficult when dealing with an unpredictable leader like Trump. Britain’s heavy reliance on imported energy and food means that reassurance can only hold for a short time. The economy entered the conflict already on shaky ground: unemployment rose steadily throughout 2025 and growth stalled to a virtual standstill in the final quarter of that year. The sudden loss of Middle‑East energy and fertiliser supplies now adds a colossal supply shock. Last year, Trump’s “liberation day” tariff hikes served as a dry run for a far more serious confrontation. This time, the war is taking place in a region that is both volatile and crucial to the global economy. In the past two weeks, the repercussions have been felt across Asia – the Philippines declared a state of emergency, Sri Lanka introduced a four‑day work week, and South Korea announced budget measures to help households cope with soaring energy bills. The continent is the most dependent on Gulf‑exported energy, making the impact there the sharpest. The International Monetary Fund warned that the shock will drive higher prices and slower growth worldwide. Shortages push fuel and food prices up, eroding disposable income, prompting businesses to cut staff, and increasing the risk of recession. The UK, already projected to be one of the poorest‑performing major economies in 2026, could see its fresh graduate cohort face a brutal job market. Trump’s claim that the war could end within two or three weeks appears desperate. Even a rapid cease‑fire would leave substantial collateral damage, creating a stagflation scenario that could hurt Republican prospects in the upcoming mid‑term elections. British officials hope a swift resolution will limit economic damage, allowing a short‑term inflation spike to subside and the Bank of England to resume interest‑rate cuts. Treasury plans include scrapping the planned autumn fuel‑duty rise and providing targeted help for the poorest households, though the path is unlikely to be that simple. Currently, the Treasury is hesitant to act boldly for fear of unsettling bond markets. History – the 2008 banking collapse and the 2020 pandemic – shows that governments can act decisively without triggering a market backlash, using tools such as aggressive rate cuts, increased borrowing, and quantitative easing. The Bank of England has warned of a "substantial negative supply shock" and is expected to soften markets for future rate cuts, which are inevitable. Finance Minister Rachel Reeves could mitigate labour‑market pain by reversing recent increases in employers’ National Insurance contributions, subsidising public transport, and even lowering speed limits to conserve energy. The war, like the pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, underscores the fragility of global supply chains and the need for greater British self‑reliance. Investing heavily in renewable energy is essential, but the UK also imports roughly 40% of its food and has not run a manufacturing trade surplus since 1982. In a world of disrupted supply lines, a robust plan for economic self‑sufficiency is more urgent than ever. Larry Elliott is a Guardian columnist.

The UK’s chancellor, Rachel Reeves, is set to sit down with the chief executives of Sainsbury’s, Tesco and Morrisons on Wednesday. The meeting aims to gauge the scale of possible price hikes and shortages of essential household goods as the nation grapples with a sharp rise in energy, fuel and fertiliser costs triggered by the ongoing Middle East conflict. A Treasury source described the gathering as a "fact‑finding, open discussion" intended to identify any supply squeezes and to forecast the impact on the cost of living over the coming months. Allan Leighton, executive chair of Asda, will not attend but has publicly urged the government to "stand up and start doing stuff" to aid farmers and curb fuel prices, warning that food costs will inevitably climb if the conflict persists. Simon Roberts, chief executive of Sainsbury’s, cautioned that price increases are "unlikely to rise until the summer" thanks to long‑term contracts on energy and fertiliser that currently keep a lid on costs. Nevertheless, UK growers are sounding the alarm. Producers of tomatoes, cucumbers, peppers and aubergines say higher input costs could force them to pull plants from the ground, creating potential gaps on supermarket shelves. Lee Stiles, secretary of the Lea Valley Growers’ Association – the region often dubbed London’s "salad bowl" – is lobbying for indoor food producers to be classified as "energy‑intensive users" alongside steel, chemicals, cement and glass, thereby qualifying for additional support with surging energy bills. Stiles also called on retailers to renegotiate contracts with growers to reflect the cost surge since the Middle East conflict began. He warned that the upcoming increase in standing charges on 1 April – a fixed daily fee for accessing the gas and electricity network – will further strain producers’ margins. "Growers have already invested in plants and labour for three to four months," Stiles said. "When you do the maths, the numbers don’t add up. They would lose less money by sending workers home, pulling the plants out and turning off the boiler." If domestic growers cut the season short, European glasshouses, which normally supply the UK’s salad market at this time of year, may struggle to fill the void, risking a repeat of the fresh‑produce shortages experienced in early 2023. The British Poultry Council (BPC) echoed these concerns, highlighting pressures on supplies of oil, gas, fertiliser and essential feed components. "These factors are creating sustained upward pressure on the cost of poultry production," the BPC warned, adding that while some cost increases may be absorbed, others will inevitably be passed on to consumers. Richard Griffiths, BPC chief executive, noted that while many farmers have long‑term energy deals, costs such as diesel are rising rapidly, and there are fears that vital medicines could become unavailable at any price. In response, the government has announced a £117 cut to household energy bills, an increase to the legal minimum wage, and the launch of a £1 billion "crisis and resilience" fund aimed at helping vulnerable households with expenses such as heating oil.

Amid the escalating United States‑Israel confrontation with Iran, parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf has emerged as an unexpected voice on financial strategy, posting a series of warnings on X that market‑moving headlines are often engineered to trigger profit‑taking. Ghalibaf’s core advice is simple yet provocative: if a headline inflates prices, bet against it; if it drags prices down, go long. He describes pre‑market news bursts as a “reverse indicator” designed to manipulate investors. His posts are laced with sarcasm, referencing alleged manipulation of oil futures and even joking about turning rhetoric into “actual fuel at the pump.” Behind the humor, analysts say, lies a calculated effort to exploit the overlap between digital propaganda and real‑world conflict. The backdrop to Ghalibaf’s messaging is Iran’s use of asymmetric warfare, notably the brief shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz—a chokepoint through which roughly 20% of global oil and LNG shipments pass. The closure sent crude prices soaring and heightened economic pressure worldwide, underscoring Tehran’s ability to influence U.S. markets by targeting critical supply routes. On March 22, Ghalibaf warned financial institutions that support U.S. military financing in the Middle East, declaring that U.S. Treasury bonds are “soaked in Iranians’ blood” and that their portfolios were under surveillance. Economist Jo Michell of the University of the West of England observes that falling equity markets, rising energy costs, and higher interest rates could eventually force President Donald Trump to seek a diplomatic exit from the conflict. Michell notes that Trump often delivers his most aggressive statements over weekends when markets are closed, only to retreat before the opening bell—a pattern traders have dubbed TACO (“Trump always chickens out”). Indeed, when Trump’s original 48‑hour deadline for Iran to reopen the Strait of Hormuz loomed, he extended it by five days and later pledged a further 10‑day pause on attacks against Iranian energy infrastructure, actions that analysts interpret as deliberate market signaling. Middle‑East specialist Zeidon Alkinani explains that the conflict’s volatility creates new leverage points beyond direct price manipulation. Even light‑hearted rhetoric from officials like Ghalibaf can exacerbate market instability, as investors scramble for any hint of the war’s trajectory. In this environment, uncertainty itself becomes a powerful market driver. Alkinani stresses that the significance of the Strait of Hormuz now extends beyond physical oil flow disruptions; it reshapes investor expectations and amplifies the impact of digital messaging, especially given Trump’s high‑visibility online presence. Overall, Ghalibaf’s social‑media campaign illustrates how Tehran is blending military pressure with information warfare, turning market sentiment into an additional front of the broader geopolitical struggle.

The US Treasury Department has taken a strong stance against the Financial Times (FT), formally requesting a retraction of a report that suggested Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent had discussed increasing oversight of the Federal Reserve in a manner similar to the Bank of England's model. In a detailed email to senior editors at the FT and its parent company, Nikkei Inc., Treasury officials disputed multiple claims in the story, criticizing the headline as misrepresenting the underlying reporting. The FT had reported on March 26 that Bessent had discussed adopting practices similar to the Bank of England, including regular communication between the Fed governor and the US Treasury Secretary over inflation targets. Treasury officials denied that Bessent had endorsed such views or discussed adopting similar practices in Washington. They also took issue with the headline, which stated that Bessent had 'praised' the Bank of England model for tighter oversight, a claim that did not appear in the text of the story. “The Secretary has never made any of the above statements in public or private,” Elliott Hulse, the acting assistant secretary for public affairs, wrote in the email. “At no time has the secretary ‘discussed tightening the US Treasury’s oversight of the Federal Reserve by adopting elements of the Bank of England’s model in a step that would shake up the central bank’s relationship with government.’” The FT responded by stating they were confident in the accuracy of their story, including US Treasury responses in the article. This incident highlights the sensitivity surrounding the Federal Reserve's political independence, especially following Donald Trump's repeated threats to fire Fed Chair Jerome Powell for not reducing borrowing costs as requested. Investors prioritize the Fed's independence in making policy decisions, as political pressure could lead to rapid inflation and subsequent sharp rate increases. The Treasury's actions mark an effort to discredit the FT report, with Bessent himself denying the claims on social media.