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Europe is undergoing a significant transformation in its relationship with the US, marked by a growing desire for independence and a shift away from Trump's aggressive policies. The recent crisis in the Middle East, where Trump's threat to annihilate Iranian civilisation was temporarily called off, has been a turning point in this journey. Initially, many European leaders had tacitly supported the US and Israeli attack on Iran, driven by a desire for a transatlantic detente and antipathy towards the Iranian regime. However, as the war escalated, Europe's stance began to shift, with countries like Italy, Poland, and France taking steps to distance themselves from Trump's policies. The cooling of European support for the war has taken various forms, including Italy denying US warplanes permission to use an airbase in Sicily, Poland refusing to send Patriot air defence systems to the Middle East, and France rejecting overflight rights and opposing a US-sponsored resolution at the UN security council. This shift in European policy is driven by a number of factors, including the realisation that the war has been a windfall for Russia, through higher oil prices and a depletion of air defence interceptors available to Ukraine. European leaders have also been reminded that the erosion of international law is bad news for the world, Europe included. As Europe finds its footing in distancing itself from Trump, it may also find its voice. Europe's diplomatic role in the Iranian nuclear file in the early 2000s grew out of its opposition to the Iraq war. Today, the same dynamic could unfold, with Europe promoting a permanent end of hostilities and a multilateral initiative in the region. The proposal by a group of European, Gulf, and Asian countries to contribute to ensuring safe passage through the strait of Hormuz was originally aimed at placating Trump. Europeans then backed a UN-led fertiliser corridor to prevent a food crisis in the global south. The UK is also leading a coalition of more than 40 countries seeking to reopen the strait once the US and Israel definitively end their offensive. If a sustainable reopening of Hormuz succeeds, it could eventually extend to a new nuclear agreement, a non-aggression pact between the US and Iran, and a similar one between Israel and Iran – including Lebanon. It could involve the release of Iranian funds frozen abroad to rebuild infrastructure destroyed by US and Israeli attacks, and the selective lifting of EU and US sanctions.

The New Economics Foundation (NEF) has proposed that the UK government provide subsidized energy to all households, funded through North Sea tax revenues. The plan would ensure that every household receives a set amount of energy at current rates, helping to protect the poorest households from rising energy costs.According to NEF, providing enough energy to heat two rooms, provide hot water, and run key appliances like a fridge and washing machine at frozen rates would require a subsidy of about £4.5bn. This amount is roughly equal to the expected windfall in tax revenues from the North Sea, generated by the high price of oil.The proposed measure, known as a price guarantee, would save all households more than £160 on their annual bills. However, this would amount to a saving of about 17% for those on low incomes compared with 11% for wealthier people. NEF argues that this would encourage those who can afford to pay to reduce their energy consumption and invest in energy-efficient measures.Alex Chapman, a senior economist at NEF, stated that similar measures have been successfully implemented in countries like Japan, South Korea, China, and India, as well as several European countries. He emphasized the need for the government to protect households' ability to meet their essential energy needs and to tax energy companies on their windfall profits.The energy cap is expected to rise by about £388 in July and could reach nearly £2,000 a year for dual-fuel households. NEF's proposal aims to mitigate the impact of rising energy costs on vulnerable households.

During Donald Trump’s January 2025 inauguration, Giorgia Meloni was the only European leader invited, underscoring a brief period of close personal and diplomatic ties between Italy’s right‑wing government and the new U.S. administration. A month earlier she had been photographed sharing a private conversation with Trump at the Élysée Palace while President Emmanuel Macron celebrated the reopening of Notre‑Dame. From the outset of Trump’s second term, the Italian premier was hailed by the U.S. president as a “real live wire” and the European ally who could help “straighten out the world.” Meloni embraced the role, describing Trump as a “brilliant man” and promising to "make the West great again" together. That camaraderie has now eroded. In the wake of the US‑Israeli military action against Iran, Meloni told reporters during a Gulf‑region visit that "when we don’t agree, we must say it", explicitly rejecting the war. Her stance was reinforced a week earlier when Italy denied U.S. bombers permission to refuel at a southern base. Political analysts note that Meloni’s shift marks a decisive break from Trump’s agenda. Roberto D’Alimonte, a political‑science professor at Luiss University, warned that her earlier attempt to act as a bridge between Trump and European allies has become a “liability” she now seeks to repair. Public opinion reflects the change. Recent polls show a solid majority of Italians oppose the Iran war, and support for Trump in Italy has plunged from 35 % to just 19 %. The backlash also manifested in a recent referendum on judicial reform, where 61 % of voters aged 18‑34 rejected Meloni’s proposal—a defeat analysts link more to dissatisfaction with her foreign‑policy alignment than to the reform itself. Beyond politics, the conflict threatens Italy’s economy. As the EU’s second‑largest natural‑gas consumer—accounting for roughly 40 % of its energy mix—Italy is feeling the impact of soaring energy prices caused by the near‑total shutdown of traffic through the Strait of Hormuz. The Bank of Italy now projects only a 0.5 % growth rate for 2026‑27, down from earlier forecasts, while the national statistics office reported that Italy’s fiscal deficit has breached the EU’s 3 % ceiling, limiting fiscal flexibility ahead of next year’s elections. Despite these pressures, Meloni has not completely abandoned the United States. In March she declined Trump’s request to dispatch Italian warships to the Strait of Hormuz, aligning with other European nations, yet she stopped short of condemning the US‑led operation outright. Experts argue that Meloni’s approach is deliberately cautious. “She is pragmatic and politically skilled,” D’Alimonte said. “She will continue to balance criticism of Trump’s aggressive foreign policy with the need to preserve strategic ties, moving step‑by‑step toward a stronger European alignment without burning bridges.”

Mircea Lucescu, a Romanian football great and serial trophy winner as a player and coach, has passed away at the age of 80. Lucescu's death was confirmed by the Bucharest University Emergency Hospital, where he was admitted after reportedly suffering a heart attack on Friday morning.Lucescu was one of the most successful Romanian football coaches and players, known for being the first to qualify the Romanian national team for a European Championship in 1984. He had a lengthy coaching career spanning almost half a century, from the late 1970s to World Cup 2026 qualifying.As a player, Lucescu captained his country at the 1970 World Cup. His coaching career included stints with Shakhtar Donetsk, where he won the UEFA Cup in 2009 and accumulated 22 trophies, making him the most successful manager in the club's history.Lucescu also coached Turkish and Romanian national teams and had spells with Italian clubs such as Pisa, Brescia, Reggiana, and Inter Milan. His contributions to Romanian football have been widely praised, with Romanian President Nicusor Dan paying tribute to him as "one of the most respected figures in the history of Romanian and European football".UEFA President Aleksander Ceferin remembered Lucescu as "one of the game's true originals – a man of rare football intellect, remarkable dignity and passion". Lucescu's legacy continues to inspire generations of football players and fans.

The temporary cease‑fire in the US‑Israel‑Iran war has given Iran and China a strategic opening to challenge the US dollar’s supremacy in global finance. Both nations share a common objective: to reduce reliance on the greenback, especially in the oil sector where, according to a 2023 JP Morgan estimate, roughly 80% of transactions are settled in dollars. In a practical step toward this goal, Iran’s de‑facto toll‑booth system in the Strait of Hormuz—a chokepoint that handles about one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments—has started accepting transit fees in Chinese yuan. Lloyd’s List reported that at least two vessels had already paid in yuan by March 25, and China’s Ministry of Commerce later acknowledged the reports on social media. Iran’s embassy in Zimbabwe even called for the introduction of a “petroyuan” to the global oil market, underscoring the political symbolism of the move. While Tehran pledged to guarantee safe passage for two weeks under a US‑brokered cease‑fire, Beijing declined to comment. Harvard economist Kenneth Rogoff told Al Jazeera that Iran’s actions serve a dual purpose: they “poke a thumb in the United States’s eye” and provide a practical alternative to dollar‑based sanctions. Rogoff added that Iran’s shift to yuan aligns with China’s broader effort to redenominate trade among BRICS nations. For both countries, the yuan offers a way to sidestep US sanctions and lower transaction costs. Their trade relationship, cemented by a 25‑year strategic partnership signed in 2021, sees China buying over 80% of Iran’s oil—often at discounted rates—while Iran imports Chinese machinery, electronics, chemicals, and industrial components. Data from Kpler and TankerTrackers indicate that, despite the conflict, Iran’s oil exports to China have remained near pre‑war levels, ranging between 12 million and 13.7 million barrels in the first two weeks of hostilities. China’s ambition to elevate the yuan is long‑standing. President Xi Jinping, in a 2024 address, expressed hope that the yuan would become a global reserve currency. Yet significant hurdles remain: the yuan is not freely convertible due to strict capital controls, and the Chinese financial system is perceived as opaque, limiting broader adoption. According to the IMF, the dollar still dominated global foreign‑exchange reserves at 57% last year, far ahead of the euro’s 20% and the yuan’s modest 2%. Cross‑border trade settled in yuan rose to 3.7% in 2024, up from under 1% in 2012, per S&P; Global—an encouraging but limited shift. Natixis chief economist Alicia Garcia‑Herrero cautioned that the Strait of Hormuz experiment adds only “incremental pressure” and that a true “de‑dollarisation” would require Gulf states, which have priced oil in dollars since the 1970s in exchange for US security guarantees. European analyst Hosuk Lee‑Makiyama highlighted that China’s ability to supply Iran with essential goods makes the yuan a viable alternative, a dynamic not possible for Europe or Japan. He described China as the closest the world has seen to a “manufacturing one‑stop shop.” Consultancy founder Dan Steinbock echoed that while the dollar’s supremacy is unlikely to crumble overnight, the gradual increase in yuan usage could “chip away” at US dominance in specific sectors over time. Rogoff concluded that the long‑term impact hinges on the war’s outcome. If Iran and China emerge stronger, many countries may diversify away from the dollar to avoid US‑imposed financial constraints. Conversely, a decisive US victory could reinforce dollar hegemony for the foreseeable future.

Unai Emery has cautioned his Aston Villa side to approach Bologna with respect if they hope to progress in the Europa League with a victory over their Italian opponents. The Aston Villa manager described Bologna as a 'winner team' and emphasized the challenges of competing in Europe's top competitions.“To win in Europe is very, very difficult,” Emery said. “Firstly you must respect this competition. Because if you are not respecting the competition, if you are not focusing 100%, you are close to being out. And I have a lot of experiences with these situations.”Emery, who has won the Europa League a record four times as a manager, acknowledged that Villa could not be considered favorites for the quarter-final tie against Bologna. He highlighted Bologna's recent successes, including their 4-3 win away at Roma in the round of 16, which qualified them for the quarter-finals.“Bologna is a winner team, it’s a team that in the last years are playing fantastic and they are winning finals like last year [in the Coppa Italia],” Emery said. “I have respect for them as well as knowledge about the difficulties and this round for us is a huge challenge. We are ready but we are not going to send the message that we can be favourites because after the Roma tie it is 50-50.”Emery also anticipated a lively atmosphere at the Stadio Renato Dall’Ara, urging his players to be resilient and prepared for an intense match. “The supporters are always so important and they will create a great atmosphere here, which will be fantastic for them,” he said. “For us, it’s going to be very difficult. Every experience we are having in Europe, playing away, is more difficult than playing at home.”

The question of which team has gone furthest in Europe while being relegated in the same season was posed, sparked by Tottenham's Champions League participation despite a relegation battle. Teams like Nottingham Forest and Fiorentina are currently in similar situations.Celta Vigo went from fourth in La Liga in 2002-03 to 19th the next year but reached the Champions League round of 16, where they lost to Arsenal. Perugia reached the last 16 of the Uefa Cup in the same season they were relegated, losing to PSV Eindhoven.Juventus was relegated due to the Calciopoli scandal after reaching the Champions League quarter-finals. Villarreal earned zero points in their Champions League group in 2011-12 and were relegated.Several teams have been eliminated early in European competitions while being relegated, such as Real Zaragoza, Alavés, and Espanyol. In England, Blackburn Rovers, Bradford City, and Ipswich Town experienced similar situations.The article also touches on teams that were unbeaten in European competitions but still eliminated, such as Espanyol in 2006-07, who went 15 games without defeat but lost on penalties in the Uefa Cup final.Teams that were unbeaten and eliminated include Feyenoord, AEK Athens, AC Milan, Valencia, Chelsea, Montpellier, Arsenal, and RWD Molenbeek, among others.

After Tehran announced a two‑week ceasefire in the Iran war, financial markets breathed a noticeable sigh of relief. Oil prices tumbled by more than 10% on Wednesday, stock indices rallied, and optimism about the global economic outlook resurfaced. However, the reprieve is far from complete.For six weeks the world’s economy has been under pressure as Iran effectively closed the Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint that handles roughly one‑fifth of global oil and gas shipments. The closure sparked what analysts have called the worst energy crisis of the modern era, driving oil to historic highs.Any progress toward re‑opening Hormuz would ease fears of a supply crunch that could otherwise trigger a cascade of recession risks. Yet the situation remains volatile: Tehran and Washington continue to send mixed signals about the waterway’s status, and Israel’s ongoing strikes in Lebanon add further uncertainty.Consumers already feel the strain. Despite the recent price dip, Brent crude remains above $90 a barrel, a sharp contrast to the sub‑$73 levels recorded before the conflict began. While this is an improvement from the period when prices hovered above $100, it still represents a significant premium over pre‑war benchmarks.Most economists expect oil to stay above its pre‑war price throughout 2026. In its baseline forecast, consultancy Capital Economics projects Brent to settle around $80 per barrel by year‑end. Under that scenario, headline inflation in the United States and Europe would hover between 3% and 4% year‑on‑year, while GDP growth is likely to decelerate across major economies.The lingering uncertainty is amplified by the unpredictable stances of both Iran and the United States, as well as the broader geopolitical turbulence involving Israel. Prior to the conflict, few analysts believed Tehran would actually close Hormuz, a threat it has floated intermittently since the 1979 revolution.Given the strait’s pivotal role in the world economy, any prolonged disruption could add a costly premium to global business operations. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) warned in a recent report that wars since 1946 have left “economic scars” lasting more than a decade. The IMF cautioned that even after a ceasefire, persistent political and economic uncertainty can depress investment returns, fuel capital outflows, and constrain both investment and labor supply.In short, while the ceasefire has delivered a short‑term boost to markets, the underlying energy‑price pressures and geopolitical risks mean that the relief is far from absolute.

Ryanair is paying airport ground staff €2.50 (£2.20) for every oversized cabin bag they confiscate, a tactic championed by CEO Michael O’Leary to enforce the airline’s strict baggage limits.The airline defines an oversized bag as any item exceeding 40 cm × 30 cm × 20 cm. Passengers who cannot fit their luggage into the gate‑side cage must pay a levy of up to £75 to travel with the bag.O’Leary says the bounty program has been “very successful,” noting a dramatic drop in the number of passengers attempting to board with oversized items. He even increased the bounty by an additional euro last year, stating he “makes no apology for the policy.”While Ryanair’s dimensions are stricter than many rivals—EasyJet, for example, allows bags up to 45 cm × 36 cm × 20 cm—the airline’s limits are actually 33% larger than the EU’s minimum free‑bag size of 40 cm × 30 cm × 15 cm, after a recent 20% volume increase.Travelers who exceed the limits can purchase a Ryanair‑approved cabin bag for £40‑£50 or pay a fee to carry a larger bag on board, ranging from £12 to £36 depending on the route—sometimes exceeding the cost of the seat itself.The aggressive enforcement has sparked criticism over “draconian” interpretation of the rules, but O’Leary dismisses the backlash, arguing the approach protects the airline’s low‑cost model and deters passengers from exploiting loopholes.Industry observers note that Ryanair’s bounty scheme illustrates a broader trend of airlines monetising ancillary services, raising questions about consumer rights and the need for clearer, possibly regulated, cabin‑baggage standards across Europe.