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Russia's Ministry of Defence has declared that its forces have gained complete control over the Luhansk region in eastern Ukraine. This development comes as Moscow continues its efforts to expand its territorial control in the region. The ministry stated that units of the 'West' military grouping have completed the 'liberation' of the Luhansk People's Republic, a term used by Moscow to refer to the Ukrainian region. However, there was no immediate confirmation of this claim from Ukrainian authorities. Luhansk, along with Donetsk, forms the broader Donbas area. More than 99 percent of Luhansk has been under Russian control since the beginning of the 2022 invasion. The region was one of four Ukrainian territories annexed by Russia in 2022. Additionally, Russia controls approximately three-quarters of Donetsk. The Kremlin reiterated its demand for Ukrainian forces to withdraw from the entirety of Donetsk, which Kyiv has consistently rejected. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov urged Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to withdraw his forces from the Donbas area, suggesting that this would bring an end to what Russia refers to as the 'hot phase' of the war. In related developments, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy reported that Russia used 339 drones in overnight attacks on Ukraine. These attacks resulted in the deaths of two women in a civilian car in the Kherson region. Zelenskyy also mentioned that he would be holding a video call with US envoys to discuss stalled negotiations with Russia. Meanwhile, Ukrainian drones have been reported to have crossed into the airspace of several countries, including Estonia, Finland, and Latvia. Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha clarified that Ukraine never aimed drones at these countries.

The United States is expanding its military footprint in the Gulf as the US‑Israel war with Iran enters its second month. Since the Feb. 28 launch of Operation Epic Fury, a joint air campaign targeting Iranian military and nuclear sites, more than four weeks of strikes have resulted in thousands of casualties.Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced the deployment of a third aircraft carrier, the USS George HW Bush, joining the USS Abraham Lincoln, which is currently conducting daily combat sorties from the Arabian Sea, and the USS Gerald Ford, now under maintenance in Croatia.These carrier groups carry thousands of sailors, Marines and specialised support personnel, forming the core of the US’s power projection in the region.Carrier Strike Group (CSG) refers to an aircraft carrier plus its escort ships and support units that together function as a floating base. A typical CSG includes:An aircraft carrier60‑75 fighter jets and helicopters2‑4 Arleigh Burke‑class destroyersA guided‑missile cruiserA submarine for underwater protectionSupply shipsAs of April 1, the USS Abraham Lincoln remains the only carrier launching daily combat missions against Iranian targets, while the USS George HW Bush is en route and expected to eventually replace the Gerald Ford in the Mediterranean.Amphibious Ready Group (ARG) operates as a mini‑carrier, carrying US Marines and equipment for sea‑to‑land invasions. The USS Tripoli ARG arrived in the Middle East on March 27, and the USS Boxer ARG is expected to join the theater by mid‑April. An ARG typically comprises:Three specialised ships~2,200 Marines (a Marine Expeditionary Unit)Short‑takeoff aircraftLanding craft for beach assaultsThe key distinction: ARGs are built to land troops on shore, whereas CSGs are designed to project air power and conduct major naval warfare.A Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU) is a rapid‑response, self‑contained force of 2,200‑2,500 Marine Corps personnel capable of combat and humanitarian missions. On Friday, US Central Command confirmed that 2,200 Marines from the 31st MEU arrived in Middle Eastern waters after departing Sasebo, Japan, on March 13. A second unit, the 11th MEU with roughly 2,500 Marines, is inbound after leaving San Diego on March 18.The Pentagon has also ordered about 2,000 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division to move to the region, adding to the approximately 50,000 US troops already stationed in the Middle East.An MEU is organized into four elements:Command Element – ~200 personnel for planning and command‑and‑control.Ground Combat Element – ~1,200 troops centered on an infantry battalion with artillery and armoured vehicles.Aviation Combat Element – ~500 personnel operating transport helicopters, attack aircraft and Osprey tilt‑rotors.Logistics Combat Element – ~300 personnel providing up to 15 days of self‑sustainment, including medical, engineering and maintenance support.MEUs are typically deployed aboard a three‑ship ARG, which serves as a floating base. The ships include:Landing Helicopter Assault/Dock – a small carrier carrying short‑takeoff aircraft such as F‑35Bs and attack helicopters.Amphibious Transport Dock – a mid‑size vessel transporting troops and heavy vehicles.Dock Landing Ship – primarily for cargo and heavy equipment.MEUs can execute sea‑to‑land assaults, raids, evacuations, humanitarian aid and disaster‑relief operations, and they are often the first forces on the ground in emerging conflicts.The US Marine Corps maintains seven active MEUs; the 31st (Asia‑Pacific) and 11th (West Coast) are currently assigned to the Iran war. The other units are distributed as follows:East Coast: 22nd, 24th, 26th MEUWest Coast: 11th, 13th, 15th MEUAsia‑Pacific: 31st MEUTypically, three MEUs are forward‑positioned at any time, rotating through deployments in the Mediterranean, Gulf and Asia‑Pacific regions.Historically, MEUs have played pivotal roles in US operations: during the 2001 Afghanistan invasion, the 15th and 26th MEUs conducted one of the longest amphibious vertical insertions; in 2003‑2004 they helped secure Iraqi ports and fought in Fallujah; and in 2024 they provided sea‑based support for the attempted abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.

Ben Jamal, director of the Palestine Solidarity Campaign, and Chris Nineham, vice‑chair of the Stop the War Coalition, were each convicted on Wednesday for breaching conditions set by the Metropolitan Police during a large‑scale pro‑Palestine rally on 18 January 2025. The court found they failed to keep the march within a police‑designated zone in central London and, in Jamal’s case, actively encouraged other demonstrators to do the same. The trial, held at Westminster Magistrates’ Court, concluded that both men were fully aware of the restrictions, given their leadership roles in planning the event. The judges noted that Jamal’s remarks amounted to “incitement” because they urged participants to disregard the stipulated boundaries, including the area surrounding the BBC headquarters on Portland Place. Supporters packed the public gallery, with former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn among those present as the verdict was read, according to the PA news agency. In response, the Palestine Solidarity Campaign described the ruling as a “disgraceful decision” and asserted that “the fight is not over.” The statement, posted on X, warned that the judgment undermines the fundamental right to protest. Human Rights Watch UK director Yasmine Ahmed condemned the outcome, calling it a “black mark on British democracy” and suggesting the verdict is part of a broader governmental effort to silence dissent against Israel’s actions in Gaza. The conviction arrives amid mounting tension between law‑enforcement agencies and the UK’s sizable Palestine solidarity movement. Since the conflict in Gaza escalated in October 2023, tens of thousands of Britons have taken to the streets, and thousands of peaceful demonstrators have been arrested for displaying slogans such as “I oppose genocide, I support Palestine Action.” Human Rights Watch’s research highlights a “disproportionate targeting” of pro‑Palestine activists, arguing that the current anti‑protest legislation threatens the ability to protest without fear of harassment. Activists are already gearing up for another large gathering scheduled for 11 April, when supporters of the direct‑action group Palestine Action plan to demonstrate again in London, despite recent arrests and ongoing legal pressure. Overall, the verdict underscores a growing debate over the balance between public order and civil liberties in the United Kingdom, with implications for future demonstrations linked to the Gaza war and broader international human‑rights concerns.

Israel’s parliament has approved a law that authorises the death penalty solely for Palestinians convicted in West Bank military courts for what the courts define as "terrorism" killings of Israelis. The measure was greeted with celebration by far‑right politicians, yet it has drawn swift rebuke from the United Nations human‑rights chief, who warned it could constitute a war crime, and from a broad coalition of international observers.Israeli rights organisations argue that the law is the latest manifestation of an apartheid‑style legal framework that systematically privileges Jewish citizens while imposing severe penalties on Palestinians. They contend that such legislation entrenches a system of codified discrimination that has evolved since the state’s founding.Under the new rule, military tribunals in the occupied West Bank – which exclusively try Palestinians – will, by default, impose the death sentence on anyone found guilty of an unlawful killing of Israelis classified as terrorism. In contrast, Israeli citizens charged with comparable offences in the same territory are tried in civilian courts, where the death penalty is not applied.Statistics underscore the disparity: conviction rates for Palestinians in military courts hover at an astonishing 99.74%, whereas Israelis tried for crimes committed in the West Bank have a conviction rate of roughly 3% between 2005 and 2024. These figures highlight the stark imbalance in judicial outcomes.Arab‑Israeli lawmaker Aida Touma‑Suleiman of the Hadash party expressed her dismay, leaving the parliamentary chamber after the vote and stating she anticipated “scenes of happiness” from far‑right figures but was “painful” to see the public echo the same sentiment.The law follows a series of statutes that critics say have progressively eroded Palestinian rights, including the 1950 Absentees’ Property Law, the 2003 Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, and the 2018 Nation‑State Law, which enshrines Jewish supremacy in identity, settlement policy, and constitutional hierarchy while marginalising Arabic.Human‑rights advocate Yair Dvir of B’Tselem described Israel as an “apartheid regime,” noting that a “whole set of laws” differentiate between Jews and Palestinians and that the death‑penalty legislation is less an outlier than a logical extension of existing policies that deny Palestinians the right to life.Analysts argue that the dehumanisation of Palestinians has deepened to the point where capital punishment can be enacted with minimal dissent and even public celebration by parliamentarians.Physician‑rights activist Tirza Leibowitz of Physicians for Human Rights – Israel warned that the law exemplifies a broader pattern of violations, ranging from inhumane prison conditions to a legal system that often refuses to investigate crimes against Palestinians or actively shields abusive practices.She cited the unresolved deaths of more than 100 Palestinians in the West Bank since the October 2023 Gaza conflict, highlighting the case of 17‑year‑old Walid Ahmad, whose death by starvation in custody was ruled “undeterminable” by an Israeli judge, as evidence of the low value placed on Palestinian lives.Leibowitz also pointed to the recent dropping of charges against soldiers accused of sexual abuse at Sde Temain prison, noting that far‑right protesters, including lawmakers, rallied in support of the accused, further normalising systemic abuse.Touma‑Suleiman linked the new law to the 2018 Nation‑State legislation, recalling a confrontation with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in which he dismissed her criticism, insisting Israel remains “the Middle East’s only democracy.” She later observed that far‑right leader Itamar Ben‑Gvir has openly chanted “Death to Arabs,” rebranding it as “Death to terrorists,” thereby blurring the line between extremist rhetoric and state policy.Overall, the death‑penalty law is being portrayed by critics as a stark illustration of an entrenched apartheid system, raising serious questions about Israel’s adherence to international legal standards and the future of Palestinian rights under occupation.

Shops, universities and public institutions across the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem shuttered on Wednesday as Palestinians launched a coordinated strike to denounce a newly passed Israeli law that makes the death penalty the default sentence for Palestinians convicted of deadly attacks by military courts. Hundreds gathered in Ramallah, chanting against the legislation championed by far‑right National Security Minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir. Demonstrators brandished signs reading “Stop the law to execute prisoners, before it’s too late”, featuring a graphic of a prisoner in a keffiyeh beside a noose. Similar protests unfolded in Nablus, where participants warned that “time is running out,” and in Anata, northeast of Jerusalem’s Old City, where Israeli soldiers compelled striking shop owners to reopen their businesses. The strike was called by President Mahmoud Abbas’s Fatah party the previous day, reflecting widespread anger that “there isn’t a single person here without a brother, husband, son or neighbour in prison,” said 53‑year‑old psychologist Riman, who asked that her surname not be disclosed. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Turk, condemned the measure, stating that its application to residents of the occupied Palestinian territory would amount to a war crime. According to the AFP, more than 9,500 Palestinians are currently detained in Israeli prisons, including 350 children and 73 women. Human‑rights groups on both sides allege detainees suffer torture, starvation and medical neglect, contributing to dozens of deaths. The law, approved by the Knesset late on Monday, stipulates that Palestinians tried in military courts for “terrorism‑related” deadly attacks face capital punishment as the default outcome. Because Palestinians in the West Bank are automatically tried in military courts, the statute creates a separate, harsher legal track compared with Israeli civilians, who face either death or life imprisonment for comparable offenses. While the legislation is not retroactive, critics argue it entrenches a system of unequal justice. Social‑media posts showed tyres burning at the busy Qalandia checkpoint, a key entry point into Israel via Jerusalem. The Palestinian news agency WAFA reported that Israeli forces responded with rubber‑coated bullets, stun grenades and tear‑gas, though no injuries were confirmed. Violence in the West Bank has intensified since Israel’s war in Gaza began in October 2023, a conflict that has claimed over 72,000 lives. The latest law and the ensuing protests underscore the deepening legal and humanitarian rift between Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories.

Graham Potter arrived in Stockholm with a bruised résumé – dismissed from Chelsea and West Ham – only to inherit a Swedish side that had languished at the bottom of their qualifying group.Against the odds, the duo have now clinched a place at the 2026 FIFA World Cup, thanks to a dramatic playoff victory over Poland that Potter described as “the best night I’ve had in football”.The story reads like a script: a manager dismissed twice in quick succession, a national team rescued by the repechage mechanism of the Nations League, and a last‑minute strike from striker Viktor Gyökeres that sealed the win.Sweden’s qualifying record was bleak – two draws and four defeats in six matches, leaving them behind Switzerland, Kosovo and Slovenia. The team’s fortunes changed only after the Nations League granted a second‑chance pathway for the four best group winners who had not qualified directly.The system, designed to give emerging nations a shortcut past the coefficient hurdle, unintentionally benefited Sweden. After being relegated to League C in 2022‑23, they topped their 2024‑25 group ahead of Slovakia, Estonia and Azerbaijan, earning a spot in the World Cup playoffs.Potter acknowledged the luck of the draw but emphasized that Sweden made the most of the opportunity, turning a “darkest hour” into a dawn of redemption.When Potter took over, the squad was plagued by injuries and a three‑game winless streak. His own career had stalled after a brief, high‑profile stint at Chelsea – highlighted by a Champions League win over Borussia Dortmund – and an unfulfilling spell at West Ham.Sweden’s early results under Potter were mixed: a 4‑1 loss to Switzerland and a 1‑1 draw with Slovenia. However, decisive victories over Ukraine and then Poland in the playoffs propelled them to Qatar.Fans in Stockholm now regard Potter with near‑heroic reverence, recalling his earlier triumphs with Östersund, where he guided the modest club from a 50,000‑person town to three promotions and a Swedish Cup win.During the post‑match press conference, Potter brought his children – decked in Swedish kits – to the front row, describing Gyökeres’s late winner as an “out‑of‑body experience”. Yet he remained modest, crediting the staff and the collective effort of the squad.“We stripped everything back to the basics, got the team together and let the talent speak,” Potter said. “It’s a team game – individual brilliance only shines when the whole unit clicks.”Poland may question how two playoff wins outweigh six qualifying matches, but the narrative underscores the power of redemption in sport. Potter summed it up: “My career has had amazing nights, but reaching the World Cup – wow, this is incredible.”

The Guardian’s March reading roundup gathers a diverse set of recommendations from both its writers and its readership, offering a snapshot of the titles that captured their attention over the past month.John Lanchester highlights two recent British novels that resonated with him after completing his own manuscript: Drayton and Mackenzie by Alexander Starritt, a story of friendship intertwined with business, and The New Life by Tom Crewe, which explores gay life in the 1890s. His European picks include Eurotrash by Christian Kracht, a darkly comic road‑trip tale, Perfection by Vincenzo Latronico, a critique of the digital‑nomad lifestyle, and Olga Tokarczuk’s genre‑defying Drive Your Plow Over the Bones of the Dead. Lanchester also notes his own recent release, Look What You Made Me Do, available from Faber for £20 via the Guardian bookshop.James, a regular Guardian reader, is immersed in Tom’s Crossing by Mark Danielewski. He describes the 1,200‑page modern western as a masterclass in character depth and meticulous detail, urging readers not to be deterred by its length.Patmeena Sabit turns to shorter forms when time is scarce, recommending Hue and Cry by James Alan McPherson for its understated humanity, Fifty‑Two Stories (a new Chekhov collection translated by Richard Pevear and Larissa Volokhonsky) for its blend of classics and previously untranslated pieces, and Ada Limón’s poetry collection Bright Dead Things for its poignant beauty. Sabit also promotes her own work, Good People, published by Virago at £16.99.David praises Zbig: The Life of Zbigniew Brzezinski, America’s Cold War Prophet by Edward Luce, calling it a dense yet illuminating autobiography that traces U.S. and global power dynamics from the 1960s to the early Trump era, and recommending a piecemeal reading approach.Arash finds profound resonance in Mother Mary Comes to Me by Arundhati Roy. He describes the memoir as an emotionally powerful tribute to Roy’s mother, noting its refusal to fall into gendered clichés while championing compassion and resistance against chauvinism.

The UK's declining birthrate has been a growing concern in recent years, with long-term fiscal pressures expected to arise from supporting an ageing population. A new report by the Resolution Foundation thinktank, titled 'Bye Bye Baby', suggests that politicians should prioritize tackling housing affordability to encourage young people to have more children.The report highlights a significant shift in the proportion of women who are not yet mothers by age 30, rising from 48% for those born in the late 1980s to 58% for those born in the early 1990s. This trend is most pronounced among non-graduate women aged 25-29, with more than half (54%) having no children by 2023, up from one in three in 2011.The analysis attributes this shift to falling partnership rates and a major shift away from home ownership towards costly private renting and living with parents, making it harder for young people to start a family. The share of non-graduates in their late 20s in private rented accommodation has doubled to 33% in 2023-24, while home ownership has halved over the same period.The thinktank's research suggests that financial constraints play a significant role in young people's decisions to have children. Among 32-year-olds who are not yet parents, twice the proportion of those in the lowest quarter of earners said they intended to remain permanently childless, compared with those in the top quarter of earners.Politicians have proposed various policies to encourage young people to have children, including expanding free childcare and introducing married tax allowances. However, the Resolution Foundation's research suggests that focusing on housing struggles may be a more successful approach.“Deciding whether to have children is a deeply personal choice, but it’s clear that financial constraints are at play too,” said Charlie McCurdy, senior economist at the thinktank. “Policymakers should look to address the financial barriers that are hindering young people’s ability to start a family – such as increasing housing affordability and opportunities to get on the housing ladder – to make parenthood more achievable for those who want it.”

The latest production of Romeo and Juliet brings a modern twist to Shakespeare's timeless tale, with Sadie Sink and Noah Jupe stepping into the iconic roles of Juliet and Romeo, respectively. This adaptation, directed by Robert Icke, presents a hipsterishly modern-dress interpretation that sometimes feels overburdened by its directorial flourishes. Sink, known for her role as Max Mayfield in Stranger Things, makes her West End debut as Juliet, bringing an intense and quirky neurotic energy to the character. Her performance is complemented by Jupe's portrayal of Romeo, showcasing a sweet and pure chemistry that captures the essence of first love. Their on-stage presence is undeniable, making their characters' tragic fate all the more poignant. The production features a range of inventive elements, including a digital clock that ticks down the hours leading to the tragic conclusion and alternative scenes that explore a universe where the couple's fate is averted. While these choices are ambitious, they sometimes feel like overthinking. Nonetheless, the central performances by Sink and Jupe anchor the production, elevating it above its directorial excesses. Supporting performances, including Clare Perkins as the cocky and endearing Nurse and Kasper Hilton-Hille as the mischievous Mercutio, add depth and humor to the production. The stage design, featuring a central bed and minimalist set, effectively underscores the themes of passion and tragedy. Despite some missteps, the production ultimately succeeds due to the compelling performances of its leads. With its blend of traditional and modern elements, this Romeo and Juliet offers a fresh perspective on a classic tale, making it a must-see for both Shakespeare enthusiasts and newcomers alike.