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In Tokyo, a group of elderly Japanese people are determined to master smartphones and stay connected in a 4G and 5G world. The class, led by Yasushi Nishioka, a retired programmer, teaches students the basics of smartphone use, including turning their phones on and off, controlling volume, and using cashless payments and QR codes.The students, most of whom are in their 70s, say they are intimidated by their devices, but are eager to learn and not be left behind in an increasingly digital world. Japan's 3G network has been shut down, and telecom companies are encouraging subscribers to switch to 4G and 5G networks.Nishioka guides his students through the basics, including health trackers and weather forecasts, and promises that future sessions will cover entertainment, social media, and photo and video content. The students also express concerns about security, a growing problem in Japan, and Nishioka shares an app that filters out suspicious contacts.The participants' reasons for taking the plunge aren't wildly different to those that keep younger people umbilically attached to their devices: reserving tickets, joining WhatsApp groups, learning a foreign language, and making travel plans. As Nishioka notes, one of the biggest challenges for users of all ages is managing their passwords.

Mr Cobra arrives as the latest statement from Korean‑American experimental musician Lucy Liyou, translating her solo music‑theatre piece into a full‑length album that confronts the corrosive nature of desire. From the opening track, listeners are greeted by a fractured piano motif that feels like shattered glass against an empty canvas, immediately setting a tone of tension and vulnerability.The record refuses to settle into any single genre. Liyou’s soundscapes swell into glossy disco bursts, dissolve into a tongue‑in‑cheek Taylor Swift skit, and even collapse into farmyard noises and text‑to‑speech monologues. This kaleidoscopic approach mirrors the emotional volatility of the central character, Babygirl, who oscillates between yearning and revulsion as she navigates a predatory romance.Key moments illustrate the album’s thematic focus on shame and power dynamics. On “Constrictor (Haha)”, Babygirl’s submissive cravings are drenched in cold‑water imagery, only to be abruptly repelled in the whimsical “Old MacDonald Had a Charm”. By the close of the track she is once again flirting, underscoring the cyclical trap of abusive attraction. Liyou also toys with celebrity culture; the track “Romeopathy” reworks Swift’s “Love Story” into a desperate plea for validation, repeatedly urging Mr Cobra to “just say yes”.While the album’s nursery‑rhyme hooks and disco interludes can momentarily distract from its darker undercurrents, they are integral to the smart, playful chaos that defines Liyou’s artistic vision. Mr Cobra stands as a daring, semi‑autobiographical exploration of how desire can both enthrall and erode, offering listeners a richly layered experience that rewards repeated, attentive listening.

Christine Baranski, known for her TV roles in The Good Fight and The Gilded Age, is set to make her West End debut in a revival of Noël Coward's comedy Hay Fever. She will star as Judith Bliss, a newly retired actor, alongside Richard E Grant, who will play her novelist husband.Baranski, a two-time Tony award winner for best featured actress in a play, expressed her excitement to “tear a passion to tatters” in the 1925 play about a family toying with their guests at a country house party. The production, directed by Emily Burns, will run at Wyndham’s theatre from 22 September to 12 December.Baranski described the play as a “101-year-old comedy of appalling manners” that requires “quicksilver delivery and suave flamboyance.” She also praised Grant as “whip-smart and wickedly funny.” This production marks a significant return to the theatre for Grant, who has recently appeared in supporting roles in films like The Thursday Murder Club and Nuremberg.The revival of Hay Fever is part of a recent surge in productions of Noël Coward's works, including Fallen Angels and Easy Virtue. Baranski's West End debut is a long-awaited event, with the actress having attended her first West End play in 1971 as a student at Juilliard.

Modern combat has been reshaped by the Russia‑Ukraine war, the Gaza clashes, India‑Pakistan skirmishes and the recent US‑Israel strikes on Iran, driving an unprecedented global appetite for drones, missiles and sophisticated air‑defence systems. Turkey, a leading military power in the Middle East, is positioning itself as a key supplier in this booming market. At the heart of Turkey’s push is Roketsan, a firm founded in 1988 to equip the Turkish Armed Forces. Today the company exports to roughly 50 nations and is counted among the fastest‑growing defence enterprises worldwide. Bypassing Western embargoes has been a catalyst for this growth. After the United States imposed CAATSA sanctions in 2020 and removed Turkey from the F‑35 programme, Ankara was forced to develop an indigenous defence ecosystem. The result is a network of nearly 4,000 small and medium‑sized enterprises that now supplies over 90 % of the components used in Turkish weapons. Financially, the strategy is paying off. In 2025 Turkish defence exports reached $10 billion. Roketsan’s General Manager Murat Ikinci told Al Jazeera the firm sits at 71st place among global defence firms and is targeting a climb into the top 50, then top 20, and ultimately the top 10 by the end of the decade. To fuel this ambition, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan inaugurated a suite of new facilities last week, including: Europe’s largest warhead production plant. A new R&D centre employing 1,000 engineers. The “Kirikkale” complex dedicated to rocket‑fuel research. Infrastructure for mass‑producing ballistic and cruise missiles. The construction represents a $1 billion outlay, with an additional $2 billion earmarked for scaling up production capacity. Roketsan’s R&D engine—the third‑largest in Turkey with 3,200 engineers—draws heavily on lessons from ongoing wars. The Ukraine conflict highlighted the effectiveness of cheap FPV and AI‑guided kamikaze drones, prompting Roketsan to field systems such as the ALKA and BURC air‑defences and the laser‑guided CIRIT missile. Recent US‑Israel operations against Iran have underscored the threat posed by low‑cost Iranian‑designed Shahed drones, now upgraded with Russian “Kometa‑B” anti‑jamming modules. These swarms have overwhelmed regional defences and even struck a British base in Cyprus in March 2026, while NATO intercepted three Iranian ballistic missiles that entered Turkish airspace. In response, Roketsan is advancing the “Tayfun” (Typhoon) missile family. The flagship Tayfun Block 4 is a hypersonic ballistic missile designed to pierce advanced air‑defence layers at extreme speeds. When pressed for specifics, Ikinci declined to disclose the exact range, noting only that it is “sufficient.” Strategically, Turkey is shifting away from Western dependence toward an “Eastern” partnership model. Roketsan now offers joint production and technology‑development agreements, establishing co‑located facilities and R&D centres across the Middle East, Far East and Europe. Qatar has been cited as a flagship example of this collaborative approach. Roketsan has identified five priority product lines to meet rising global demand: Long‑range ballistic and cruise missiles. Advanced air‑defence systems, including “Steel Dome”, Hisar‑A, Hisar‑O and Siper. Submarine‑launched cruise missiles leveraging the AKYA system. Smart micro‑munitions for armed drones. Long‑range air‑to‑air missiles, a capability highlighted by the recent India‑Pakistan clash. The timing is critical. Ongoing conflicts have depleted the stockpiles of high‑end air‑defence assets worldwide. During the US‑Israel‑Iran confrontation, the United States relied heavily on Patriot and THAAD systems, raising concerns that interceptor inventories could run low. Gulf states, which have logged over 1,000 drone sightings in their airspace, are actively seeking alternative solutions—an opening that Turkey’s self‑sufficient supply chain is poised to fill. Analysts warn that even major powers like the United States will need years to rebuild their air‑defence inventories due to the complexity of production. Turkey’s claim of near‑complete domestic manufacturing positions it as a ready supplier for nations eager to diversify away from traditional Western sources. As demand for missiles and drones surges, Roketsan is reinvesting its revenues into expanding production infrastructure, aiming to cement its place among the world’s elite defence exporters.

At a high‑profile meeting in Downing Street, Prime Minister Keir Starmer told senior executives from Meta, Google, TikTok, X and Snap that the status quo "can’t go on like this" and that immediate, tangible steps are needed to protect children online. Government ministers are now weighing a legal under‑16 age restriction for all social‑media platforms, alongside proposals to curb addictive design elements such as infinite scrolling, autoplay videos and push notifications. During the discussion, Starmer urged the tech leaders to act with "more urgency on internet safety for children" and warned that continued inaction places young users at risk. He emphasized that a world where access is limited but safety is ensured is preferable to one where "harm is the price of participation." While the companies present offered no comment, they have already rolled out a suite of child‑safety tools: Meta’s teen‑account option for users under 18, TikTok’s family‑pairing feature that lets parents set screen‑time limits, and compliance with the UK’s Online Safety Act. The legislation obliges platforms to suppress violent, hateful or abusive content and to keep explicit material, self‑harm, suicide and eating‑disorder content off children’s feeds. The government’s child online‑safety consultation has already attracted 47,000 responses. It explores a formal minimum age of at least 16, as well as restrictions on features that encourage endless usage. The consultation closes on 26 May, after which ministers have pledged “swift action” on the findings. In the House of Lords, a peer‑led amendment to the education bill seeks to introduce a default ban, giving ministers a 12‑month window to decide which apps fall under the age limit. Although MPs have rejected the amendment twice, Conservative peer John Nash is pressing to reinstate the clause. Starmer remains cautious about a blanket ban, fearing it could push teenagers onto the dark web or leave them ill‑prepared for responsible digital use at 16. Nonetheless, Australia’s recent nationwide ban has shifted the political calculus: more than 60 Labour MPs signed a letter in January urging the UK to follow suit. Child‑safety advocates are divided. The Molly Rose Foundation, founded after the tragic death of Molly Russell, warns that an under‑16 ban would punish children for industry failures and calls for stronger enforcement of the Online Safety Act instead. Conversely, Esther Ghey, mother of murdered teenager Brianna Ghey, and Children’s Commissioner for England Rachel de Souza support the introduction of smartphones for under‑16s with built‑in social‑media restrictions.

Gray whales have historically been a rare sight in the San Francisco Bay. They migrate over 10,000 miles from Mexico's Baja California to the Arctic region, seldom stopping in the busy shipping corridor for prolonged periods. However, in recent years, this has changed in a dire way.A new study published in the journal Frontiers in Marine Science has found that gray whales in the bay have been dying at alarming rates, largely due to collisions with vessels. Eastern North Pacific (ENP) gray whales began to appear more frequently in the well-trafficked maritime corridor around 2018.According to researchers, at least 18% of gray whales that entered the bay from 2018 to 2025 have died. They determined that for more than 40% of the whale carcasses, the cause of death was blunt force trauma consistent with vessel strikes, prompting calls for renewed efforts to help avoid more fatal collisions.“It was historically very unusual for them to enter the bay, especially for longer amounts of time or consistently year after year,” said Josie Slaathaug, lead author of the study. There are whale subgroups known to hunt for food south of the Arctic, but a majority of the recently spotted whales feeding in the bay were not a part of these foraging clusters.A wave of new whale presence had not been observed in the waters since the late 1990s. Researchers have theorized that Arctic warming is disrupting food availability for the whales, driving them to hunt in new places such as the bay, although it remains unclear what exactly they may be eating there.Their potential new feeding corner, though, is a major shipping route. The true mortality rate for whales in the bay may be higher, hovering somewhere from 40% to 50%, Slaathaug said.In recent years, there have been several reports of dead whales that wash up on Bay Area beaches. The ENP gray whale population has been in decline due to malnutrition and starvation from climate-driven prey shifts in the Arctic. The Southwest Fisheries Science Center estimated a population total of about 13,000 whales, its lowest count since 1970.“It’s not unique to their migratory corridor that a lot of whales are dying,” Slaathaug said. “What is unique about San Francisco Bay and this study was that there was such a clear emerging cause of death.”Some local efforts are under way to reduce vessel collisions. The Marine Mammal Center has developed a program called Whale Smart, to educate vessel operators in the San Francisco Bay on how to interpret whale behavior to avoid close encounters.In Alaska, where vessels also pose a threat to the whale population, one fleet company partnered with WhaleSpotter, a company that uses AI and thermal imaging to detect the presence of whales, so they can change course well in advance.Last year, the Center for Biological Diversity, a conservation group, sued the US Coast Guard, which regulates vessel traffic off the California coast, for failing to analyze how vessel routes may harm whales and sea turtles.“This most recent study about the gray whales reaffirms that we have way underestimated the problem and we are not managing human activities well enough to avoid the whales,” said Catherine Kilduff, senior attorney at the center.Federal action is needed to reduce the fatal collisions, Kilduff said. According to the Endangered Species Act, the coast guard should be consulting with the National Marine Fisheries Service when setting shipping lanes to assess impact to marine wildlife.Kilduff also suggested mandatory speed limits for vessels. “There are voluntary speed reductions on the west coast, but there is evidence that those aren’t effective. The compliance rate isn’t high enough,” she said.A 2022 study co-authored by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration found that the average speeds of large vessels had decreased from 2010 to 2019 in voluntary speed reduction zones. But, researchers determined that the cooperation rate of roughly 50% was lower than the amount needed to reduce vessel strike-related mortality to a level that maintains a sustainable whale population.“These whales are using the oceans in such a sophisticated way. We can learn so much from them, and if we can figure out ways to avoid killing them, I know that they’ll come back to healthy population levels,” Kilduff said.

The biggest public backer of World Liberty Financial, the crypto venture co‑founded by the Trump family, has publicly accused the firm of embedding a covert "backdoor blacklisting" feature that allows it to freeze token holdings at will. On Sunday, blockchain entrepreneur Justin Sun posted on X, alleging that World Liberty’s smart contracts for the WLFI token contain a tool that can unilaterally freeze, restrict, or confiscate any user’s assets without cause or recourse. Sun did not provide evidence, but said his own wallet was locked in September, making him the "first and single largest victim" of the alleged mechanism. World Liberty responded on X, stating, "We have the contracts. We have the evidence. We have the truth. See you in court, pal," and directed observers to its own posts for clarification. The company’s official risk disclosures do note that it may block or freeze addresses deemed linked to illegal activity or terms violations – a practice also employed by other crypto issuers such as Tether. Sun, who invested tens of millions of dollars in WLFI and later increased his stake to at least $75 million according to his 2025 posts, has not shared the purported blockchain records that supposedly show his wallet being blacklisted by a single administrative account. World Liberty, launched in 2024, claimed it would empower small investors through a decentralized‑finance app that has yet to launch. Reuters analysis indicated the venture generated **more than $460 million** for the Trump family in the first half of 2025. In March, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission settled a 2023 lawsuit against Sun for $10 million, alleging fraud and the sale of unregistered crypto securities. Sun made no admission of wrongdoing. The dispute highlights the murky regulatory environment for crypto in the United States, where the SEC has limited jurisdiction and has declined to comment on the legality of token‑freezing practices.

Cuba is on the brink of transforming its energy landscape with a bold plan to invest $8bn in renewable energy, which could reduce its reliance on fossil fuels and pave the way for energy independence from the US. The proposal, put forth by the Common Wealth thinktank's Transition Security Project (TSP), suggests that this investment could cover 93.4% of Cuba's electricity generation needs.The US has imposed a crippling energy blockade on Cuba, severely limiting the island nation's access to oil. Since January, Cuba has received only one shipment of oil, from Russia, and its national electric grid has collapsed, leading to repeated blackouts and widespread disruptions.The TSP analysis outlines four different scenarios for Cuba's transition to renewable energy, with costs ranging from $5bn to $19.2bn. The most ambitious proposal would see three-quarters of electricity generation provided by solar power, with wind, hydropower, and bioenergy making up the remainder.The report argues that electricity costs would decrease in every renewable investment scenario, with the cost per unit of energy falling from 14.3¢ per kWh in the baseline scenario to 6.5¢ with $8bn of investment. The transition would require a society-wide transformation, but Cuba has demonstrated its ability to adapt in the past, such as its rapid shift to agroecology and self-sufficiency in the 1990s.The question remains: who would pay for this transition? The report suggests that financing should be understood as "reparative climate finance", with Cubans able to pay back investments through savings on cheaper energy. The transformation would not only benefit Cuba but also set an important example of a rapid energy transition under conditions of external constraint.

In 2020, several nations—including the UK and India—announced ambitious bans on new internal‑combustion‑engine vehicles, while Norway already saw around 60% of new car sales being electric. Australia, however, remained on a different trajectory. Former Prime Minister Scott Morrison dismissed a Labor proposal for a non‑binding 50% electric‑vehicle target by 2030, claiming it would “end the weekend.” The Coalition ignored analyses suggesting that a robust emissions‑cut scheme could deliver a $14 billion net benefit by 2040, and later abandoned plans for an EV‑specific strategy. Five years on, the Albanese government has introduced a vehicle‑efficiency standard mandating annual reductions in average emissions from new cars. Though a long‑awaited move, the policy’s impact will be incremental rather than transformative. March saw a record number of Australians purchasing EVs, yet the market share remains modest—still under 15% of new car sales, up only slightly from 13% in 2025. With fuel prices soaring amid the Iran conflict, the majority of vehicles leaving showrooms are still powered by petrol or diesel, and many will stay on the road for the next 15‑20 years. One bright spot is the surge in second‑hand EV sales, which more than doubled last month despite a tiny baseline. Higher resale values are encouraging broader adoption by making electric cars financially accessible to a larger pool of buyers. Globally, electric vehicles accounted for roughly 25% of new car sales last year. In Australia, the price differential between comparable petrol and electric models averages around 20%, a significant barrier for many consumers. That gap is narrowing, and the potential savings for EV drivers are substantial. Data from energy analyst Simon Holmes à Court—using Amber electricity retailer figures—show that an EV can travel over 40 km per $1 of energy, whereas a conventional car manages less than 5 km per $1 of fuel. Amber’s own smart‑charging platform suggests the distance could reach 160 km per $1 under optimal conditions. Despite such evidence, Australian political discourse often struggles to envision a low‑fossil‑fuel future. Calls for expanded oil exploration, such as Queensland Premier David Crisafulli’s claim of a “sea of oil” in the Taroom trough, lack substantiation and would likely involve costly, long‑term development with uncertain returns. Compounding the issue, the mining sector—Australia’s biggest diesel consumer—receives a 52‑cent‑per‑litre rebate under a national fuel‑tax credit scheme, effectively subsidising over $1 billion annually for diesel use in coal mines. This incentive discourages investment in cleaner truck technologies, even as the safeguard mechanism attempts to curb emissions. Policy recommendations include tightening the vehicle‑efficiency standard to accelerate the shift toward cleaner cars, removing parallel‑import restrictions to boost the supply of affordable second‑hand EVs (as practiced in New Zealand), and reconsidering any road‑user charges on electric vehicles, which currently represent less than 2% of the total fleet. International examples offer guidance: China jump‑started its EV boom by issuing “green” licence plates and imposing hefty fees for fossil‑fuel plates, effectively raising the cost of owning a petrol car by up to $20,000. In sum, Australia’s delayed embrace of electric mobility not only hampers climate goals but also forfeits billions in economic gains. A decisive, well‑targeted policy overhaul could unlock significant consumer savings, reduce emissions, and align the nation with global EV trends.