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Alex Manninger, 48, died when his vehicle was hit by a train at a level crossing near Salzburg on Thursday morning. The accident occurred at approximately 8:20 am local time (06:20 GMT), according to Salzburg police. The former Austria goalkeeper, who earned 33 caps for his country, spent the early part of his career at Arsenal (1997‑2001), where he was part of the squad that won the league and FA Cup in the 1997‑98 season, before finishing his playing days at Liverpool in 2017. In Italy he guarded the posts for Fiorentina, Torino, Bologna, Siena, Udinese and Juventus. OEFB Sporting Director Peter Schoettel called Manninger “an outstanding ambassador of Austrian football” and praised his “professionalism, calmness and reliability” that inspired a generation of young goalkeepers. Police reports indicate the car was hit by a railcar of the Salzburger Lokalbahn while crossing the tracks and was dragged along. The driver – Manninger – was alone in the vehicle; the train driver escaped injury. First responders freed him, but resuscitation attempts were unsuccessful. Clubs paid tribute: Fiorentina announced a minute’s silence and black armbands for their Conference League match against Crystal Palace, while Arsenal expressed shock on social media. Liverpool and Juventus also released statements, with Juventus noting that Manninger will be remembered for his “humility, dedication and exceptional professionalism.” The tragic loss underscores the dangers of level‑crossing accidents and has prompted an outpouring of grief across the football community.

Modern combat has been reshaped by the Russia‑Ukraine war, the Gaza clashes, India‑Pakistan skirmishes and the recent US‑Israel strikes on Iran, driving an unprecedented global appetite for drones, missiles and sophisticated air‑defence systems. Turkey, a leading military power in the Middle East, is positioning itself as a key supplier in this booming market. At the heart of Turkey’s push is Roketsan, a firm founded in 1988 to equip the Turkish Armed Forces. Today the company exports to roughly 50 nations and is counted among the fastest‑growing defence enterprises worldwide. Bypassing Western embargoes has been a catalyst for this growth. After the United States imposed CAATSA sanctions in 2020 and removed Turkey from the F‑35 programme, Ankara was forced to develop an indigenous defence ecosystem. The result is a network of nearly 4,000 small and medium‑sized enterprises that now supplies over 90 % of the components used in Turkish weapons. Financially, the strategy is paying off. In 2025 Turkish defence exports reached $10 billion. Roketsan’s General Manager Murat Ikinci told Al Jazeera the firm sits at 71st place among global defence firms and is targeting a climb into the top 50, then top 20, and ultimately the top 10 by the end of the decade. To fuel this ambition, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan inaugurated a suite of new facilities last week, including: Europe’s largest warhead production plant. A new R&D centre employing 1,000 engineers. The “Kirikkale” complex dedicated to rocket‑fuel research. Infrastructure for mass‑producing ballistic and cruise missiles. The construction represents a $1 billion outlay, with an additional $2 billion earmarked for scaling up production capacity. Roketsan’s R&D engine—the third‑largest in Turkey with 3,200 engineers—draws heavily on lessons from ongoing wars. The Ukraine conflict highlighted the effectiveness of cheap FPV and AI‑guided kamikaze drones, prompting Roketsan to field systems such as the ALKA and BURC air‑defences and the laser‑guided CIRIT missile. Recent US‑Israel operations against Iran have underscored the threat posed by low‑cost Iranian‑designed Shahed drones, now upgraded with Russian “Kometa‑B” anti‑jamming modules. These swarms have overwhelmed regional defences and even struck a British base in Cyprus in March 2026, while NATO intercepted three Iranian ballistic missiles that entered Turkish airspace. In response, Roketsan is advancing the “Tayfun” (Typhoon) missile family. The flagship Tayfun Block 4 is a hypersonic ballistic missile designed to pierce advanced air‑defence layers at extreme speeds. When pressed for specifics, Ikinci declined to disclose the exact range, noting only that it is “sufficient.” Strategically, Turkey is shifting away from Western dependence toward an “Eastern” partnership model. Roketsan now offers joint production and technology‑development agreements, establishing co‑located facilities and R&D centres across the Middle East, Far East and Europe. Qatar has been cited as a flagship example of this collaborative approach. Roketsan has identified five priority product lines to meet rising global demand: Long‑range ballistic and cruise missiles. Advanced air‑defence systems, including “Steel Dome”, Hisar‑A, Hisar‑O and Siper. Submarine‑launched cruise missiles leveraging the AKYA system. Smart micro‑munitions for armed drones. Long‑range air‑to‑air missiles, a capability highlighted by the recent India‑Pakistan clash. The timing is critical. Ongoing conflicts have depleted the stockpiles of high‑end air‑defence assets worldwide. During the US‑Israel‑Iran confrontation, the United States relied heavily on Patriot and THAAD systems, raising concerns that interceptor inventories could run low. Gulf states, which have logged over 1,000 drone sightings in their airspace, are actively seeking alternative solutions—an opening that Turkey’s self‑sufficient supply chain is poised to fill. Analysts warn that even major powers like the United States will need years to rebuild their air‑defence inventories due to the complexity of production. Turkey’s claim of near‑complete domestic manufacturing positions it as a ready supplier for nations eager to diversify away from traditional Western sources. As demand for missiles and drones surges, Roketsan is reinvesting its revenues into expanding production infrastructure, aiming to cement its place among the world’s elite defence exporters.

Social media erupted this week after US media outlets reported that FIFA had prohibited tailgating at the 2026 World Cup stadiums. Fans quickly challenged the claim, pointing to FIFA’s own statement that it "does not have a formal policy that restricts tailgating".FIFA clarified that while there is no global ban, individual venues may impose restrictions in line with local public‑safety regulations. The organization added that detailed fan guidance will be released well before the tournament kicks off.In the United States, tailgating is a long‑standing pre‑match tradition where supporters park near the stadium, grill, drink and socialize for hours before kickoff. The practice, especially popular at NFL games, is considered an essential part of the American match‑day experience.American fans argue that banning the activity would strip away a cultural hallmark. One Philadelphia supporter wrote on X, "FIFA doesn’t understand that you physically cannot stop Philadelphians from tailgating." Others noted that international visitors often enjoy the festive atmosphere, citing videos from the 2025 FIFA Club World Cup.Nevertheless, the Boston organising committee has already announced that tailgating "is not permitted for these events," highlighting the patchwork of local rules that could affect the World Cup.Security protocols for major tournaments require two concentric perimeters around each stadium: an outer ring focused on crowd safety and an inner ring for ticket verification. The exact placement of the outer perimeter depends on each venue’s layout, parking capacity and access routes, and it is designed to keep "unauthorised persons" away from the stadium building.Because FIFA cedes day‑of‑match security decisions to local organising committees, the final stance on tailgating will likely be decided by city officials and may not be disclosed until closer to the event.The United States will host 78 of the 104 matches across 10 venues, including the newly renamed Los Angeles Stadium (formerly SoFi Stadium) for the opening match and the New York‑New Jersey Stadium (formerly MetLife Stadium) for the final. Other sites are Boston’s Gillette Stadium, Philadelphia’s Lincoln Financial Field, Dallas’s AT&T Stadium, Seattle’s Lumen Field, Kansas City’s Arrowhead Stadium, Miami’s Hard Rock Stadium, Atlanta’s Mercedes‑Benz Stadium, Houston’s NRG Stadium, and the San Francisco Bay Area’s Levi’s Stadium.Until local authorities release definitive guidelines, the fate of tailgating at the 2026 World Cup remains an open question, leaving fans to await clarification on whether their beloved pre‑game rituals will survive the tournament’s security framework.

Beirut, Lebanon – In late March, authorities abandoned a proposed shelter for war‑displaced residents in the Karantina neighbourhood after a wave of public protest.Opponents, including local politicians and community activists, cited practical concerns such as traffic congestion near the port and health risks. However, the core of the backlash was sectarian: many Christian residents invoked demographic fears, chanting slogans reminiscent of the 1975‑1990 Lebanese Civil War to block housing for the predominantly Shia‑Muslim displaced population.The controversy resurfaced painful memories of the 1976 Karantina massacre, when right‑wing Phalangist forces expelled and killed thousands of Muslims. Historian Diala Lteif, researching the district’s history, estimates the death toll at 1,000‑3,000. She warned that the current rhetoric mirrors the “foundational logic” of that tragedy – a drive to segregate neighbourhoods.Israel’s intensified campaign against Lebanon has already forced the displacement of approximately 1.2 million people. The war, reignited on March 2 after Hezbollah’s retaliatory rocket fire, has seen Israeli troops and air strikes devastate southern towns and parts of Beirut, heightening fears that hosting displaced families could draw further attacks.Amid these tensions, a 10‑day ceasefire is slated to begin, yet many Lebanese worry the violence could spiral into renewed communal conflict or even a civil war.Experts note that the association of displaced Shia communities with Hezbollah fuels anxiety. Lara Deeb, an anthropologist at Scripps College, explained that Lebanon’s sectarian political system blurs the line between a religious group and a political party, amplifying mistrust across the board.While the cancelled site remains unused, another displacement centre operated by the Lebanese charity Offre Joie continues to function in Karantina. It currently shelters about 1,000 displaced families from the south, the Bekaa Valley, and Beirut’s southern suburbs.Volunteer Marie Daou described the centre’s conditions as comparatively decent, with reliable hot water and regular meals. Security forces monitor the residents’ identities, and no occupants have left despite more than 40 days of conflict.One resident, 30‑year‑old Nadine, fled her home in Burj al‑Barajneh on March 2. She now lives with five siblings at the centre, saying, “For now, we’re staying here. You can’t go back because there is danger, but nowhere is safe. We will endure.”The episode highlights how historic sectarian wounds intersect with today’s geopolitical crisis, shaping public policy and community responses in a Lebanon already strained by war and displacement.

As a 10-day ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah took effect, displaced Lebanese people expressed skepticism about returning home. The agreement's terms are still unclear, and many doubt Israel's commitment to upholding the ceasefire.Abu Haidar, who has been displaced for six weeks, planned to return to his village, Kherbet Selem, near the border. However, he acknowledged the challenges, including a bombed bridge, and decided to leave before the midnight deadline.Others, like Fadal Alawi and Haytham Dandash, whose homes were destroyed, were more cautious. They chose to stay in Beirut until a longer-term agreement is in place, citing concerns over Israel's history of violating agreements.The Israeli military's recent intensification of attacks in southern Lebanon added to the uncertainty. Hezbollah and its ally, Nabih Berri, urged supporters not to return home until the situation clarifies.The unclear terms of the agreement and Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's statement that troops would not withdraw from southern Lebanon during the ceasefire contributed to the skepticism. Hezbollah responded by asserting its right to resist if Israel continues to occupy Lebanese territory.In the meantime, displaced people like Dandash and his wife, Ruwayda Zaiter, faced desperate living conditions, with limited aid and no support from the state or political parties.

The United States is pushing for de-escalation in the region, with President Donald Trump announcing that Israeli and Lebanese leaders will speak for the first time in 34 years. This development has raised cautious hopes for a diplomatic solution to the fighting that has continued for more than six weeks.The conflict has resulted in over 2,000 people killed and more than 1 million displaced across Lebanon. Israel's military operations in Lebanon and its invasion of the country's south have intensified, with Hezbollah entering the war by launching rockets, missiles, and drones towards a missile defense site near Haifa in northern Israel.Iran's speaker of parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, told his Lebanese counterpart, Nabih Berri, in a phone conversation that a ceasefire in Lebanon is vital. Ghalibaf led the Iranian delegation at the first round of US-Iran talks in Pakistan last week, which ended without a deal.The prospective talks between Israel and Lebanon follow a rare direct engagement between the two countries' US ambassadors in Washington on Tuesday – also their first such direct contact in decades. However, with both sides maintaining starkly different objectives, and the Lebanon front closely tied to broader negotiations involving Iran, it remains unclear whether the talks can produce tangible results.Analysts say that even if a phone call were to take place between Israel's Netanyahu and his Lebanese counterpart, it would be “mostly symbolic rather than substantive”. Lebanon wants a ceasefire as a priority to enter into negotiations whose aim would be to liberate lands currently occupied by Israel.A key demand from Iran in its dialogue with the US is that Israel end its offensive against Hezbollah in Lebanon. Hezbollah is Tehran's most powerful regional ally and a central part of the “axis of resistance”, a network of armed groups across the Middle East aligned with Iran against Israel.

Israeli military chief Eyal Zamir authorized five soldiers from the Force 100 unit to resume reserve service after the top military prosecutor dismissed all charges linked to an alleged sexual assault on a Palestinian detainee at the Sde Teiman detention camp. The decision comes while an internal military inquiry into the soldiers’ conduct remains open; Israeli Army Radio reports that some of the reservists have already been redeployed to active combat roles. In a statement cited by Haaretz, the army emphasized that “the investigation does not prevent them from continuing to serve … the command‑level investigation will be completed as soon as possible.” Charges were withdrawn last month by Israel’s senior military lawyer, ending a case that had become one of the most contentious in recent Israeli history. The original indictment alleged that the soldiers stabbed the detainee with a sharp object near his rectum, causing cracked ribs, a punctured lung and an internal tear. Prison doctor Yoel Donchin told reporters he was initially shocked by the severity of the injuries, assuming they were inflicted by a rival armed group. Military Advocate General Itay Offir explained that the indictments were scrapped due to “complexities in the evidentiary structure” and “difficulties” arising after the detainee’s release to the Gaza Strip. Human‑rights organisations, led by Amnesty International, condemned the reinstatement as “yet another unconscionable chapter” in a legal system they say routinely grants impunity for grave crimes against Palestinians. The group noted that only one Israeli soldier has ever been sentenced for torturing a Palestinian detainee. Broader reports, including a February study by the Committee to Protect Journalists, document widespread abuse—ranging from beatings and starvation to sexual assault—experienced by Palestinians held in Israeli custody.

Iran's prominent parliament speaker, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, has stressed that a ceasefire in Lebanon is just as crucial as one in Iran, in a phone conversation with his Lebanese counterpart, Nabih Berri. This development comes as diplomatic efforts to end the war between Iran and the United States gain traction.Ghalibaf, who led the Iranian delegation at the recent US-Iran meeting in Pakistan, emphasized that Tehran is committed to achieving a permanent ceasefire in all conflict zones, including Lebanon. He assured Berri that Iran has not forgotten its Lebanese allies and considers them part of its own people.The conversation also touched on the latest Israeli attacks on Lebanon, which have resulted in the displacement of 1.2 million Lebanese people. Berri condemned Israel's actions, stating that they are committing crimes and seeking to displace Lebanese citizens. He appreciated Iran's efforts to secure a ceasefire in Lebanon and noted that any communication with Israel would not be in Lebanon's interests.Lebanon was drawn into the US-Israel war on Iran after Hezbollah fired rockets at Israel on March 2, in retaliation for Israel's killing of Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and near-daily violations of a ceasefire agreement in Lebanon. Since then, Israeli forces have killed over 2,000 people in Lebanon.In a related development, US President Donald Trump announced that the leaders of Israel and Lebanon will speak to each other for the first time in 34 years. This historic conversation is seen as a significant step towards de-escalation in the region.

In the rugged Hindu Kush mountains of eastern Afghanistan, hundreds of men are scouring the rocky Kunar riverbed for precious gold dust, creating a livelihood amid limited economic options.Against the backdrop of towering peaks, some still snow-capped in April, workers labour near the Pakistan border, seeking valuable flecks that could change their fortunes in a country plagued by low wages.Near Kharwalu village in Kunar province – with its mud-brick homes and terraced wheat fields – men excavate dry sections of the riverbed before washing their rocky hauls with river water.Delawar, 45, joined these gold prospectors after leaving his construction job seven hours from his Kabul home. “There are not many job opportunities in the country, and in this way, we have created work for ourselves,” said the father of eight who uses only one name.“The gold nuggets we find are usually smaller than a grain of wheat,” he added.In nearby Ghaziabad, hundreds chip away at the mountainside with picks, carrying heavy sacks down steep slopes to empty onto sieves for gold filtration.Others use yellow jerrycans attached to long wooden handles to pour river water over sieves, allowing smaller, potentially gold-bearing stones to slide onto mats. After two additional siftings, gold nuggets occasionally appear in metal pans.Gul Ahmad Jan, 35, claims the work can be lucrative. “We can get up to about 1gm of gold,” worth approximately 8,000 Afghani ($125) in just one week, he said.Afghanistan’s natural resources remained largely unexploited during decades of conflict, though a Kunar official told the AFP news agency that gold panning has occurred there for more than 10 years.