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Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

During Donald Trump’s January 2025 inauguration, Giorgia Meloni was the only European leader invited, underscoring a brief period of close personal and diplomatic ties between Italy’s right‑wing government and the new U.S. administration. A month earlier she had been photographed sharing a private conversation with Trump at the Élysée Palace while President Emmanuel Macron celebrated the reopening of Notre‑Dame. From the outset of Trump’s second term, the Italian premier was hailed by the U.S. president as a “real live wire” and the European ally who could help “straighten out the world.” Meloni embraced the role, describing Trump as a “brilliant man” and promising to "make the West great again" together. That camaraderie has now eroded. In the wake of the US‑Israeli military action against Iran, Meloni told reporters during a Gulf‑region visit that "when we don’t agree, we must say it", explicitly rejecting the war. Her stance was reinforced a week earlier when Italy denied U.S. bombers permission to refuel at a southern base. Political analysts note that Meloni’s shift marks a decisive break from Trump’s agenda. Roberto D’Alimonte, a political‑science professor at Luiss University, warned that her earlier attempt to act as a bridge between Trump and European allies has become a “liability” she now seeks to repair. Public opinion reflects the change. Recent polls show a solid majority of Italians oppose the Iran war, and support for Trump in Italy has plunged from 35 % to just 19 %. The backlash also manifested in a recent referendum on judicial reform, where 61 % of voters aged 18‑34 rejected Meloni’s proposal—a defeat analysts link more to dissatisfaction with her foreign‑policy alignment than to the reform itself. Beyond politics, the conflict threatens Italy’s economy. As the EU’s second‑largest natural‑gas consumer—accounting for roughly 40 % of its energy mix—Italy is feeling the impact of soaring energy prices caused by the near‑total shutdown of traffic through the Strait of Hormuz. The Bank of Italy now projects only a 0.5 % growth rate for 2026‑27, down from earlier forecasts, while the national statistics office reported that Italy’s fiscal deficit has breached the EU’s 3 % ceiling, limiting fiscal flexibility ahead of next year’s elections. Despite these pressures, Meloni has not completely abandoned the United States. In March she declined Trump’s request to dispatch Italian warships to the Strait of Hormuz, aligning with other European nations, yet she stopped short of condemning the US‑led operation outright. Experts argue that Meloni’s approach is deliberately cautious. “She is pragmatic and politically skilled,” D’Alimonte said. “She will continue to balance criticism of Trump’s aggressive foreign policy with the need to preserve strategic ties, moving step‑by‑step toward a stronger European alignment without burning bridges.”

Iranians marked a day of mourning on April 8, 2026 to remember the victims of the Minab school strike. Across various cities, families, officials, and citizens participated in ceremonies that highlighted the profound loss suffered by the community.Organisers emphasized the need to honor the deceased while calling for measures to prevent similar tragedies in the future. The commemorations, reported by Al Jazeera, reflect ongoing public concern over school safety and the broader social ramifications of the incident.

An Iranian musician has staged a bold protest at a local power station, highlighting growing tensions between Iran and the United States under the leadership of former President Donald Trump. The protest comes amid a backdrop of heightened US-Iran relations, with Trump's administration imposing significant sanctions on Iran.The musician's actions reflect a broader discontent within Iran against US threats and policies. While details of the protest and the musician's identity remain scarce, the event underscores the complex dynamics at play in the region.This development is a testament to the ongoing challenges in US-Iran relations, with both countries navigating a delicate balance of power and diplomacy.

The administration has confirmed a two‑week suspension of any imminent strikes on Iran, signaling a short‑term pause in hostilities. This move reflects a tentative step toward reducing immediate tensions, though officials did not elaborate on the conditions that would trigger a resumption of operations.

U.S. crude futures tumbled about 16.5% to $94 a barrel after President Donald Trump declared a two‑week ceasefire with Iran. The announcement sparked a broad market rally: S&P; 500 futures jumped over 2%, the dollar weakened across the board, and 10‑year U.S. Treasury futures rose roughly 15 ticks. Investors welcomed the prospect of resuming oil and gas flows through the strategic Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint that carries roughly one‑fifth of global petroleum shipments. The ceasefire, which Trump said would halt U.S. attacks for two weeks, is being coordinated with the Iranian Armed Forces, and Tehran has pledged to cease its own strikes if the United States does the same. Since the U.S. and Israel launched attacks on Iran at the end of February, markets have been volatile. The conflict forced Iran to effectively close the Strait, contributing to the . The new de‑escalation offers a potential relief valve for inflation‑sensitive economies and could restore confidence in energy‑intensive sectors. "Markets have been predicting that Trump was looking for an off‑ramp in Iran," said Jamie Cox, managing partner at Harris Financial Group. "Today, he got one and took it." The sentiment was echoed by analysts who see the ceasefire as a "good start" that may pave the way for a more permanent reopening of the waterway, though many uncertainties remain. Asian equity futures also pointed higher, reflecting the global impact of lower oil prices on regional markets that have been battered by the war and soaring energy costs. Meanwhile, the dollar's retreat underscores its recent role as a safe‑haven currency during the turmoil. Trump added that the United States had received a "10‑point proposal" from Iran, which he described as a workable basis for negotiations toward a long‑term peace settlement. While the ceasefire is limited to two weeks, analysts such as IG's Tony Sycamore caution that "lots of ifs still to work out" before a durable resolution can be achieved.

Stephen Fry opened his appearance on ITV’s The Assembly with a startling question: “You tried to kill yourself a couple of times. Are you happy to be alive now?” The boldness set the tone for a conversation that veered far from the usual celebrity‑friendly script.The programme distinguishes itself by placing a well‑known guest in front of a panel of young adults with neurodivergence or learning disabilities. Free from the conventional safeguards of mainstream talk shows, the panel asks questions that are simultaneously unconventional and deeply human, prompting guests to respond without the usual rehearsed veneer.For Fry, the format proved liberating. Known for translating complex ideas into accessible language, he used the platform to discuss suicidal ideation, likening the experience to the lingering memory of a broken limb—painful yet now distant. This candidness allowed him to reaffirm why he remains a cultural touchstone.One of the most memorable moments came when a participant asked, “I read that you are bipolar. One of my family has that. How can I help them?” Fry responded with a vivid analogy, describing bipolar disorder as a “rainstorm raging inside you—eventually the sun returns, and it’s the weather, not the person, that changes.” This explanation resonated as both compassionate and educational.The interview oscillated between gravitas and levity. Fry fielded whimsical queries such as “Can you help me meet Céline Dion?” and “How much have you spent on cocaine?” alongside the probing “Are you a top or a bottom?” The juxtaposition amplified the emotional weight of the serious topics.At one point, a young panelist named Luca chose not to ask a question, instead performing William Wordsworth’s poem “The World Is Too Much With Us” with theatrical flair—a rare blend of poetry and performance that underscored the show’s experimental spirit.Another highlight involved Jacob, a panel member who brandished a list of Fry’s past advertising gigs—Heineken, Twinings, Honda, and more—before delivering the punchline, “Is there anything you wouldn’t do for money?” The extended joke built a collective laugh that softened the subsequent, more probing inquiries.Critics have likened the show’s tone to a hybrid of Radio 4’s In the Psychiatrist’s Chair and the cheeky, irreverent style of classic British comedy interviews such as those with Dame Edna Everage or Mrs Merton, creating a unique space where vulnerability and humor coexist.The episode concluded with Nina Simone’s “I Wish I Knew How It Would Feel to Be Free” playing as Fry reflected on his experiences with antisemitism and bipolar disorder. Moved by the music, he rose and danced, offering a visual testament to the therapeutic power of the format.The Assembly aired on ITV1 and is now available for streaming on ITVX.

When Nike unveiled its official 2026 World Cup kit range in March, the designs were widely praised, with the United States' home shirt hailed as the most distinctive in years and other nations such as France, England, Canada and Uruguay receiving positive feedback.However, during the recent international break, a growing chorus of supporters highlighted a recurring problem: a pronounced bulge along the shoulder seam of many of the new jerseys. While the effect was subtle on some kits, it was stark on others – notably the sleek France shirt worn by Kylian Mbappé and the Uruguay jerseys that resembled a cartoon villain’s armor.Fans took to social media to share photos and complaints, with some claiming that steaming or pre‑washing the garments temporarily eased the issue, while others expressed outright frustration, describing the design as “stupid” and unsuitable for broader shoulder widths.Given that the jerseys retail for between $100 and $200, the defect poses a significant concern for both consumers and the national federations that expect their players to look immaculate on football’s biggest stage.In a statement to The Guardian, Nike acknowledged the flaw, noting that the problem was most evident during the recent break and that “performance is unaffected, but the overall aesthetic is not where it needs to be.” The company added that it is reviewing possible solutions in collaboration with partner federations and suppliers.The kits are built around Nike’s Aero‑FIT system, a computational‑design and stitch‑specific knitting process marketed as a way to keep athletes cool in what could be the hottest World Cup ever, hosted across the United States, Canada and Mexico. A source familiar with the technology confirmed that AI‑driven design data underpins the process.Nevertheless, the shoulder‑seam issue raises questions about the feasibility of a redesign with the tournament less than two months away and millions of jerseys already sold. Nike officials indicated that any corrective action would require a massive logistical effort.“We are a global team of best‑in‑class designers, creators and dreamers who spend every day thinking about how to innovate, challenge ourselves, and take risks that push the beautiful game,” the company said. “We always hold ourselves and our products to the highest standards and this fell short. We’re working quickly to make this right for players and fans, because every kit should reflect the care, precision and pride that the game deserves.”Nike’s partnership with the United States runs until 2033, while England’s agreement with the FA extends to 2030, meaning the brand will continue to supply kits for future tournaments despite this setback.

The recent ceasefire between the US and Iran offers a glimmer of hope for the energy crisis that has been exacerbated by the conflict in the Strait of Hormuz. However, the deal's stability is already being questioned, with Iran claiming that Israel's attacks on Lebanon breach the agreement. Even if the ceasefire holds and hundreds of tankers stranded in the Gulf start to transit once more, analysts fear that it will not be enough to return the flow of oil, gas, chemicals, and other vital items to pre-crisis levels. An estimated 2,000 vessels with about 20,000 seafarers onboard have been trapped in the Gulf since the outbreak of the conflict. Shipping analysts and owners have cautioned that even a temporary ceasefire does not provide a sufficient guarantee that it is safe to make the passage, particularly because Iran's foreign minister has stated that transit will be under Iranian military management. Many questions remain for shipowners and their captains over whether it is safe to navigate through the strait. The disruption has been compounded by the forced shutdown of oil and gas production across the Gulf as storage facilities reached capacity. In addition, many key energy production sites have been damaged by drone attacks. Experts have said it could take months or years to fully restore the Gulf's energy production. Energy markets have fallen sharply on the hope that millions of barrels of crude oil and gas trapped in the Gulf could soon help to relieve a crisis that the International Energy Agency has said is more serious than the energy flashpoints in 1973, 1979, and 2022 combined. However, traders are also expected to price in a continuing 'geopolitical risk premium' to reflect uncertainty over whether the ceasefire will hold.