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The United States team landed in Islamabad on Friday, gearing up for Saturday’s planned cease‑fire talks with Iran aimed at pausing the ongoing US‑Israel‑Iran conflict.New friction erupted on Friday when senior officials from both sides exchanged conflicting accounts of a 10‑point Iranian proposal that underpinned Tuesday’s temporary pause in hostilities.Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf warned on X that two critical measures—a cease‑fire in Lebanon and the release of Iran’s blocked assets—remain unfulfilled, insisting they must be addressed before negotiations can proceed.Ghalibaf, who is slated to attend the summit alongside Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, echoed the Iranian military’s joint command warning that its “fingers are on the trigger” after what it described as repeated “breaches of trust” by the United States and Israel.Meanwhile, former President Donald Trump escalated rhetoric, telling the New York Post that the U.S. is loading ships with the “best weapons ever made” and will employ them “very effectively” if a deal is not reached. In subsequent Truth Social posts, he dismissed Iran’s leverage over the Strait of Hormuz as a “short‑term extortion” and claimed the Iranians are “alive today only to negotiate.”The Trump administration credits Tuesday’s cease‑fire agreement with averting a larger U.S. escalation, yet it has not disclosed the exact framework agreed upon, noting it differs from Iran’s published 10‑point plan.Analysts point to substantial gaps between the parties on several fronts: Iran’s future control of the Strait of Hormuz, the status of frozen Iranian assets, the trajectory of Iran’s nuclear program, and Israel’s ongoing offensive in Lebanon.U.S. and Israeli officials assert that a Lebanese cease‑fire was never part of the deal, contradicting Iran and Pakistan’s position. Nonetheless, President Trump told an Israeli reporter that he urged Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to make Israeli operations against Hezbollah “more low‑key” ahead of the talks.Israeli strikes continued, killing at least 300 people nationwide on Wednesday—the deadliest day of the offensive—while Al Jazeera’s correspondent reported no slowdown in southern Lebanon’s fighting. Kuwait also reported intercepting seven drones launched from Iran into its airspace within 24 hours.Despite the heightened rhetoric, U.S. Vice President JD Vance expressed optimism, stating he expects a “positive” outcome from the negotiations and that he has received “pretty clear guidelines” from President Trump. Vance emphasized that the United States is ready to extend an “open hand” to Iran if it negotiates in good faith, but warned that any attempt to “play us” would meet a “non‑receptive” negotiating team.Vance’s leadership reflects a non‑interventionist strand of the Trump administration, stepping in as Iran’s trust in special envoy Steve Witkoff and Trump’s son‑in‑law Jared Kushner has eroded. Witkoff and Kushner previously headed two rounds of indirect talks on Iran’s nuclear program, both of which collapsed—first after Israel launched a 12‑day war on Iran in June 2025, and again after the latest war erupted on February 28.

The US Court of International Trade is hearing oral arguments in a case aimed at overturning President Donald Trump's global import tariffs. The tariffs, which were imposed in February, have been met with opposition from several US states and small businesses.The plaintiffs, including 24 mostly Democratic-led states and two small businesses, argue that the 10% global import tax sidesteps a Supreme Court ruling that invalidated most of Trump's previous tariffs. They claim that the tariffs are based on archaic authority meant to protect the US dollar from sudden depreciation in the 1970s, not to address routine trade deficits.Oregon's lawyer, Brian Marshall, told the judges that they should block the tariffs rather than let them expire on the normal 150-day timeline, to prevent Trump from invoking laws to keep them indefinitely. "[If] we have a successive series where there's always tariffs in place, that's a problem," Marshall said.The Trump administration has argued that the global tariffs are a legal and appropriate response to a persistent trade deficit caused by the fact that the US imports more goods than it exports. "President Trump is lawfully using the executive powers granted to him by Congress to address our country's balance of payments crisis," White House spokesperson Kush Desai said.The case is significant as it challenges Trump's use of Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974, which authorises duties of up to 15% for up to 150 days on imports during "large and serious United States balance-of-payments deficits" or to prevent imminent depreciation of the dollar.

JD Vance, the United States vice‑president, issued a stark warning to Tehran as he boarded Air Force Two for Pakistan: Iran must not attempt to "play" the United States at the peace talks scheduled for Saturday in Islamabad. The talks, mediated by Pakistan, could determine whether the fragile ceasefire in the region holds or if hostilities resume, with significant repercussions for the global economy, especially oil markets. Iranian parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and foreign minister Abbas Araghchi have conditioned their participation on two unmet measures: a full ceasefire in Lebanon and the release of Iran’s blocked assets. Ghalibaf posted on X that "Two of the measures mutually agreed upon between the parties have yet to be implemented." Uncertainty lingered on Friday night about whether the Iranian delegation would even travel to Islamabad. Earlier reports indicated that Israel had removed the Iranian officials from its bombing target list at Washington’s request. Meanwhile, Donald Trump amplified the tension, telling the New York Post that U.S. forces were "loading up the ships with the best ammunition" and would use them if negotiations failed. He later posted that Iran "has no cards" except short‑term extortion of international waterways. The backdrop to the talks is a worsening Lebanon‑Israel confrontation. More than 300 Lebanese civilians have been killed since the ceasefire began, and 13 Lebanese security personnel died in an Israeli strike on a government building in Nabatieh. Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu dispute whether the April 7 ceasefire between the U.S. and Iran includes Lebanon, and Israel continues bombing Hezbollah‑linked targets despite Netanyahu’s earlier statements about opening negotiations with the Lebanese government. Oil markets have felt the shock. The February 28 U.S.–Israeli strike on Iran and Tehran’s subsequent closure of the Strait of Hormuz—shutting off roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas—triggered a sharp price spike, adding political pressure ahead of the November U.S. congressional elections. Vance, however, expressed optimism as he departed for Islamabad: "We’re looking forward to the negotiation. I think it’s going to be positive. If the Iranians are willing to negotiate in good faith, we’re certainly willing to extend the open hand." He added, "If they’re going to try and play us, then they’ll find the negotiating team is not that receptive." The U.S. delegation also includes senior adviser Steve Witkoff and former senior adviser Jared Kushner, both of whom participated in earlier talks on Iran’s nuclear and missile programmes before the February attack. Negotiations are expected to focus on reopening the Strait of Hormuz, the future of Iran’s nuclear program, potential sanctions relief, reparations for war damage, and the release of Americans detained in Iran, according to the Washington Post. Advance teams from the United States and Iran have already taken up rooms at Islamabad’s five‑star Serena hotel, with Pakistani officials acting as intermediaries. Security forces have established a two‑mile perimeter around the hotel, declared a public holiday, and locked down the city centre to ensure a safe environment for the high‑stakes mediation. Hezbollah, while not commenting directly on the Lebanese‑Israeli negotiations, issued a statement urging the Lebanese government to stop "making gratuitous concessions" and vowed to continue fighting to "expel the occupier." The Lebanese army has reinforced its presence in Beirut following an Israeli strike that killed at least 303 people. Fighting persists in southern Lebanon, with Hezbollah claiming to have struck Israeli soldiers near Bint Jbeil—a town symbolic of resistance from the 2006 war—and launching rockets into Israel throughout Friday. Israel’s airstrikes across Lebanon have intensified, culminating in the Nabatieh attack that killed the highest number of Lebanese security forces to date.

Jonathan Freedland contends that the record of Benjamin Netanyahu’s recent wartime conduct is one of stark failure, despite the spotlight it has received alongside former U.S. President Donald Trump.While Trump has dominated headlines with his rhetoric on Iran and a self‑announced cease‑fire, Netanyahu has quietly overseen a continuation of hostilities across the region. Israel’s air campaign on Lebanon—the most lethal single strike in recent memory—targeted roughly 100 sites in a ten‑minute window, leaving at least 303 dead and more than 1,150 injured, many of them civilians.Israel maintains that the U.S.‑brokered deal with Tehran does not extend to Lebanon, a claim disputed by Iran and Pakistani mediators. Netanyahu, meanwhile, has pledged to sustain “full‑force” attacks on what Israel labels Hezbollah launch positions, even as he publicly agrees to diplomatic talks with Beirut.Internationally, Netanyahu is already wanted by the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes in Gaza, and his reputation abroad is that of a war‑time villain. Domestically, his supporters still view him as a security hawk, a perception that matters most as Israel faces elections no later than 27 October.Freedland highlights that the October 7, 2023 Hamas onslaught—Israel’s deadliest terrorist attack—occurred under Netanyahu’s watch, a fact that would have toppled most leaders in comparable democracies. Yet the prime minister promised “total victory” over Hamas, a promise that remains unfulfilled after a two‑year bombardment that has claimed roughly 70,000 lives in Gaza while leaving Hamas in control of the enclave’s unoccupied areas.Claims of having neutralised Hezbollah have also proved hollow. Although Israel announced the death of the group’s leader, Hezbollah continues to rebuild its arsenal and resumed rocket fire, undermining the narrative of a decisive Israeli triumph.Similarly, the 12‑day 2025‑2026 confrontation with Iran—branded by Trump as an obliteration of Tehran’s nuclear programme and by Netanyahu as a historic victory—has not diminished Iran’s strategic capabilities. The nation still possesses enriched uranium, a robust missile stockpile, and the ability to threaten global shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, effectively holding a lever over the world economy.Freedland argues that Netanyahu’s doctrine of perpetual military pressure yields only temporary relief, likening it to repeatedly cutting off a snake’s head only for it to regrow. Former Israeli general‑turned‑politician Yair Golan is quoted as saying that Netanyahu “does not know how to translate battlefield successes into lasting political security.”The human cost of this approach is evident not only in the casualties of Gaza, the Bekaa Valley and Israeli cities, but also in Israel’s deteriorating diplomatic standing. Recent legislation in the Knesset—pushed by far‑right minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir and supported by Netanyahu—introduces a death‑penalty provision for Palestinians convicted of terrorism, a move condemned internationally as discriminatory.As Israelis endure nightly bomb‑shelter drills and semi‑lockdown conditions, the electorate faces a stark choice. Polls suggest that even if Netanyahu is ousted, his successor may continue a similar hard‑line stance, albeit with different execution. Freedland concludes that Israel’s long‑term security cannot rely solely on force; a negotiated accommodation with neighbours, especially the Palestinians, may finally become politically viable after the exposure of Netanyahu’s repeated strategic failures.

Linguist George Lakoff warned that metaphors can kill, noting how euphemistic language in the Gulf War concealed harsh realities. He argued that framing conflict with business‑like cost‑benefit analogies or heroic narratives masks civilian suffering. Historically, the U.S. military has preferred sanitized terms such as “collateral damage” and “surgical strikes” to describe civilian casualties. In stark contrast, President Donald Trump has resorted to overtly hostile language, issuing a series of threats that culminated this week with the claim that “a whole civilisation will die tonight” unless Iran accepts a deal. The threat emerged amid a fragile two‑week ceasefire that the United States helped broker after the conflict it ignited six weeks earlier. While the ceasefire offered a brief respite, its stability was immediately questioned, and upcoming talks in Islamabad faced similar uncertainty. At the same time, Israel intensified its campaign in Lebanon, launching a ten‑minute strike—dubbed “Operation Eternal Darkness”—that killed dozens of civilians, including children, a poet, and journalists. In Gaza, despite a ceasefire declared six months ago, Israeli forces have continued to kill hundreds of Palestinians, accompanied by rhetoric that borders on annihilation. Legal experts stress that Trump’s ultimatum would compel the U.S. military to carry out clearly illegal acts. Although soldiers are obligated to obey only lawful orders, the administration’s erosion of institutional checks has left them with few avenues to refuse. Political philosopher Mathias Risse observed that the language of civilizational destruction is not merely a symptom of atrocity but a tool of it, effectively making the threat itself a war crime. Scholars note that such an explicit declaration of intent is rare, and pursuing accountability through international law may seem futile. Nevertheless, the editorial argues that any attempt to hold Trump accountable is essential; allowing the threat to go unchecked would further undermine the rules‑based international order. The Pope and a prominent Hollywood actor have publicly condemned the president’s statements, underscoring the moral urgency of the issue. Failure to challenge this rhetoric, the piece warns, could erode legal and normative standards worldwide, leaving Iran and other populations exposed to heightened peril.

The US inflation rate experienced a significant surge in March, rising to 3.3% over the year, with prices increasing by 0.9% compared to the previous month. This spike is largely attributed to the escalating conflict with Iran, which has resulted in a substantial increase in energy prices.The Consumer Price Index (CPI) for energy rose by 10.9% in March, primarily driven by a 21.2% increase in gasoline prices. This increase accounted for nearly three-quarters of the monthly all-items increase. Airfares also saw a notable rise, increasing by 2.7% in March and 14.9% higher than a year earlier.Core inflation, which excludes volatile food and energy prices, rose at a more modest 0.2% over the month and was 2.6% higher over the year. The annualized inflation rate has not exceeded 3% since summer 2024.The conflict with Iran has driven the American economy into deeper uncertainty, adding to the precariousness that began with Donald Trump's tariffs last year. The war has also led to a rise in oil prices, with US crude oil priced 10% higher than before the conflict and nearly 30% higher since the start of the year.Recent data shows that prices are affecting producers, with the gross domestic product (GDP) for the last quarter of 2025 revised down from an initial 1.4% to 0.5%. The prices index in the Institute for Supply Management's survey of managers saw its largest one-month increase in 13 years, rising from 63 in February to 70.7 in March.Consumer confidence is also falling, with the University of Michigan's closely-watched consumer confidence survey recording a 10.7% drop to its lowest level on record. Survey director Joanne Hsu noted that many consumers blame the Iran conflict for unfavorable changes to the economy.Despite the challenges, the labor market appears resilient, with employers adding 178,000 jobs in March and the unemployment rate falling to 4.3%. However, the Federal Reserve faces a tricky situation in adjusting interest rates amid the conflict, as raising rates could help curb inflation but risk destabilizing the labor market and increasing unemployment.

The article examines the use of bullying as a tool in international relations, particularly in the context of Donald Trump's presidency. The author, Dave Schilling, argues that bullying may be effective in the short term, but it ultimately leads to negative consequences and does not achieve lasting results.Schilling draws on his personal experience of being bullied as a child to illustrate the dynamics of bullying behavior. He notes that bullies often target individuals who are remarkable or threatening in some way, and that the aim of bullying is to assert dominance and feel more powerful.The article critiques Trump's approach to foreign policy, which has been characterized by threats, bluster, and aggression. Schilling argues that this approach has not led to lasting results, citing examples such as the ongoing conflict in Iran and the tensions in the Strait of Hormuz.Schilling also explores the idea that bullying can be a successful strategy in certain contexts, such as in business or entertainment. However, he argues that this approach is not effective in international relations, where lasting relationships and cooperation are essential.The article concludes that bullying is not an effective long-term strategy for achieving success or resolving conflicts. Instead, Schilling suggests that empathy, understanding, and cooperation are essential for building strong relationships and achieving lasting results.

Protesters in Ireland and Norway have escalated demonstrations against rising fuel costs, turning major highways into blockades and prompting a convoy of lorries to converge on Oslo’s parliament. The unrest is linked to the broader spike in oil prices triggered by the conflict in the Middle East. In Dublin, hauliers, farmers and other groups have shut down motorways for the fourth consecutive day, causing fuel shortages, traffic chaos and warnings that essential supplies—food, clean water and animal feed—are at risk. The Irish police force, An Garda Síochána, described the blockades as unlawful and warned that continued defiance could lead to arrests. The Irish government has placed the army on standby to clear the obstructions, while the justice minister accused outside actors, including far‑right figures such as Tommy Robinson, of exploiting the protests for political gain. Fuel prices have surged dramatically: Irish diesel has risen from roughly €1.70 per litre to €2.17, and petrol from about €1.74 to €1.97. In Norway, despite a recent fuel‑tax cut on 1 April, diesel prices jumped 23.6 % from February to March, with overall fuel and lubricants up 17.9 %. Statistics Norway noted this as the steepest month‑on‑month increase on record, comparable only to the post‑Ukraine‑invasion spike of spring 2022. Irish Prime Minister Mícheál Martin warned that blockades of the Whitegate refinery and key depots in Galway and Foynes were pushing the country to the brink of turning away oil shipments. He called the situation “unconscionable and “illogical.” In response, Dublin unveiled a €250 million relief package that includes a temporary excise duty cut, an expanded diesel rebate for hauliers and bus operators, and an extended fuel allowance. Nevertheless, industry leaders remain skeptical about the measures’ ability to quell the unrest, and many protesters demand direct talks with ministers. Across the North Sea, Norwegian demonstrators—part of the “Dieselbrølet” (diesel roar) movement—marched a convoy of 70‑80 trucks toward the Storting. Their banners read “nok er nok!” (enough is enough). While only a few vehicles were permitted into Oslo, the show underscored hauliers’ demand for more predictable, lower fuel prices despite Norway’s status as an oil producer. Other nations have taken emergency steps: the Philippines declared a national energy emergency, and France authorized fuel tankers to operate on weekends and holidays until 11 May to stave off shortages. Back in Ireland, the blockade of the sole refinery and depots has left dozens of petrol stations empty, prompting a rush of motorists to fill up before supplies run out. Emergency services report slower response times, and the Irish Medical Organisation warns that delayed care could jeopardise patient health. Courier firm DPD has halted deliveries, and protesters have vowed to remain in Dublin for weeks, with spokesperson John Dallon stating, “If it takes a month, we are prepared to sit here.” The crisis has also forced the Irish Taoiseach to postpone a trade mission to Canada, highlighting the domestic political fallout of the fuel‑price turmoil.

The ongoing conflict between the US and Israel and Iran has significantly altered the dynamics of the nuclear programme negotiations. Former US envoys who dealt with Iran have stated that the US-Israeli attack on Iran and Tehran's subsequent closure of the Strait of Hormuz have given Iran new tools and resolve to resist pressure to shutter its nuclear programme.Two senior negotiators for the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the Obama-era agreement to limit Iran's nuclear uranium enrichment in exchange for sanctions relief, said the Trump administration's war had handed Iran a coveted weapon by demonstrating its ability to cut off the Strait of Hormuz, an economic chokehold that one negotiator said would help Iran 'balance the asymmetry of power' with the US.Alan Eyre, a former diplomat who helped negotiate the JCPOA, noted that 'this administration, to say it more politely, cannot unsoil the bed. There's no way to get back to the status quo ante before this war started.'In 2018, Donald Trump withdrew the US from the JCPOA, which barred Tehran from enriching its uranium to weapons-grade. Trump called the deal 'one of the worst and most one-sided transactions' the US had ever entered into.However, after a strategy of high pressure – first through returning sanctions and then, after Trump's return to power in 2025, a war that was meant to destroy Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile capabilities – the current US administration has found itself in more complex negotiations than before its campaign of economic and military strikes.Robert Malley, a Yale lecturer who was former special envoy to Iran under Joe Biden and a lead negotiator on the JCPOA, said: 'The strait of Hormuz wasn't an issue before the US decided to strike. You have all the issues inherited from the past, but you just added a few, because the US has handed Iran a tool that it always had, but it never thought of using, or never felt it could.'The chances for a comprehensive agreement addressing all of the US and Iran's grievances appear slim. While the Obama administration sought to negotiate exclusively on Iran's nuclear programme in the lead-up to the 2015 agreement, the Trump administration has sought a broader deal limiting Iran's ballistic missiles programme and its support for regional proxies, such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen.