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U.S. President Donald Trump launched a scathing attack on Pope Leo XIV on Sunday night, branding the pontiff “weak on crime” and “terrible for foreign policy.” The criticism was posted on Trump’s Truth Social account, where he asserted he does not want a Pope who “criticises the President of the United States.” The outburst appears to be a direct response to recent statements by Pope Leo that condemned the United States’ involvement in the Israel‑Iran conflict. Last week, the Pope issued a rare rebuke of Trump’s threat to eradicate Iranian civilisation, calling the threat “truly unacceptable.” On Sunday, he further urged world leaders to halt ongoing bloodshed, describing the war‑driving mindset as a “delusion of omnipotence.” Trump’s post also referenced the Pope’s earlier questioning of the administration’s hard‑line immigration stance, noting the pontiff’s remark that such policies might not be “pro‑life.” In his response, Trump demanded that Leo “use common sense,” stop “catering to the radical left,” and focus on being a “great Pope, not a politician.” Adding a personal jab, Trump claimed credit for the Vatican’s selection of the first U.S.-born Pope, suggesting the election was intended to curry favour with the White House. “If I wasn’t in the White House, Leo wouldn’t be in the Vatican,” he wrote, before reiterating that he is “not a big fan” of the pontiff, accusing him of “liking crime” and labeling him “very liberal.” The tension echoes past friction between Trump and the Vatican, notably with Pope Francis, who had previously criticized the president’s immigration proposals and questioned his Christian credentials. Despite the diplomatic spat, Pope Leo is scheduled to commence an 11‑day African tour on Monday, beginning with a historic visit to Muslim‑majority Algeria.

The clash between the US and Iran is not just a matter of conflicting interests, but a deeper ideological divide. The US, representing the West's vision of wealth and opportunity based on material ownership, is at odds with Iran's regime, which is built on a creed enmeshed in an ideology that is dogmatically enforced. The US and Israel are attempting to exterminate an ideology through destruction, but ideology can only be defeated by confronting it with ideas and beliefs that have greater resonance and are based on sound ethics. If we believe in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as set out in 1948, we have to stop the US and Israel. The US and Israel's actions are a stark reminder that ideology can only be defeated when confronted with ideas and beliefs that have greater resonance and are based on sound ethics. Nesrine Malik is correct that Donald Trump does not understand Iran's leaders, but the reason lies in Iran's leaders acting on religious and national principles, which Trump, lacking principles himself, fails to comprehend. This lack of understanding has significant implications, contributing to global economic instability as Trump's actions, driven by a lack of principles, lead to reckless decisions that impact not just the Middle East but the world economy.

Donald Trump's military approach against Iran has backfired, emboldening the country rather than weakening it. The 16-hour talks in Pakistan, led by JD Vance, failed to extract a quick accord, highlighting the complexity of issues between Washington and Tehran. The Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, had sold the war to Trump as an opportunity for regime change. However, Trump's plan had no clear strategy beyond killing senior Iranian officials, which only strengthened hardliners within the regime. Trump's goal of destroying Iran's military capacity has also failed. US intelligence indicates that Iran's ability to replenish its missiles and drones remains considerable. Furthermore, Iran is causing significant damage to Gulf states. The main issue remains Iran's nuclear program. The 2015 accord, negotiated by Barack Obama, had required Iran to limit its nuclear activities, but Trump withdrew from the deal in 2018. Today, Iran has nearly 900lb of highly enriched uranium, which could be further refined into a nuclear bomb. Trump's aggressive approach has handed Iran a new weapon: the ability to close the Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway for international shipping. This move could wreak havoc on the world economy and give Iran significant revenue through tolls. The article concludes that diplomacy is the only viable solution to the conflict. Negotiation requires compromise and give-and-take, which Trump has so far resisted. The stakes are high, with the potential for genocide and massive war crimes. The door to a deal remains open, but it demands a willingness to negotiate in good faith.

Israeli forces have fired teargas at Palestinian schoolchildren who were staging a sit-in in the occupied West Bank after settlers blocked access to their school. The incident occurred in the village of Umm al-Khair, in the southern West Bank region of Masafer Yatta.The schoolchildren, who had been due back in class on Monday for the first time in more than 40 days, had gathered near a barbed wire fence erected by Israeli settlers. The fence blocked access to the school, prompting the children and some local adults to hold an open-air class as a sit-in to demand access. Israeli troops responded by firing teargas at the protesters.Witnesses described the scene as chaotic, with children screaming and fleeing after the teargas canisters were fired. A 12-year-old girl, Sarah al-Hathaleen, recounted her experience: “We were sitting and they threw a grenade [teargas canister] at us. I got scared and started screaming and ran away.”The Israeli military stated that they had dispersed an “unusual gathering” but did not specify whether they had fired teargas. The incident highlights the ongoing tensions in the West Bank, particularly in the Masafer Yatta region, which is a known hotspot for settler violence and Palestinian home demolitions.The Masafer Yatta region has seen increased violence since the outbreak of the Iran war. More than 500,000 Israelis now live in settlements in the West Bank, which are illegal under international law, among about 3 million Palestinians. Israel has occupied the West Bank since 1967.

Israel's military actions and strategies in Gaza have raised concerns about its potential plans for Lebanon. The region has been experiencing increased tensions, with fears of a wider conflict. Understanding the geopolitical dynamics at play is crucial as the situation continues to unfold.The Guardian's video explainer, 'The ‘Gaza playbook’: what are Israel’s plans for Lebanon?', delves into these issues, providing insights into Israel's military approach and its implications for Lebanon.Escalating tensions between Israel and Lebanon have been a point of concern for international observers, with the potential for a broader conflict in the region. The situation remains fluid, with ongoing diplomatic efforts to mitigate the crisis.

While the two‑week pause in the US‑Israel campaign against Iran remains uncertain, one constant is clear: Donald Trump lacks a concrete plan, but Benjamin Netanyahu does. The war’s stated aim – to cripple Iran’s state capacity – is only a stepping stone toward a larger vision of a Greater Israel. For Israel’s right‑wing, the phrase often evokes a purely territorial ambition: enlarging the land Israel claims. History shows this expansionist drive has repeatedly displaced Palestinians, a process that has accelerated dramatically in recent years. Since the war began, Israel has flattened Gaza, killing tens of thousands and reducing the civilian‑inhabitable area to roughly 12 % of its pre‑war size. In the West Bank, a wave of settlement expansion and property destruction rivals the scale of the 1967 conflict. Beyond the occupied territories, Israel has seized parts of Syria and is forging a de‑facto occupation zone in southern Lebanon, with ministers from Religious Zionism, Jewish Power and Likud openly demanding Israeli sovereignty there. Finance minister Bezalel Smotrich even called for an expansion “to Damascus,” and Netanyahu has publicly expressed a deep personal connection to this territorial vision. However, Greater Israel is as much a geopolitical and strategic construct as a land‑grab. Netanyahu’s ambition extends beyond occupying borders; he seeks a regional dominion built on new alliances and hard‑power dependencies. After the October 7 attacks and the ensuing Gaza devastation, Israel’s prospects for Arab‑state normalization stalled. Faced with a choice between a conciliatory approach and a zero‑sum rejection of a Palestinian future, Netanyahu chose the latter, aiming to eliminate Iran as a regional counterweight – a move that inevitably required massive US military involvement. Former Israeli security analysts note that, from the perspective of Sunni Gulf states, a weakened Iran would elevate Israel to the role of “dominant regional power.” Achieving this, according to the article, also means softening the Gulf Cooperation Council (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, UAE) and making them dependent on Israel for security and energy routes. The spill‑over of Iranian drone and missile attacks on GCC infrastructure is portrayed not as an accident but as a calculated element of Israel’s strategy. When the US‑Israel coalition struck Iranian energy sites, Iran retaliated against the Gulf, disrupting global oil flows through the Strait of Hormuz. Netanyahu seized the moment to propose “alternative routes” – oil and gas pipelines that would bypass Hormuz and Bab‑al‑Mandab, ending at Israeli Mediterranean ports. In a meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Netanyahu outlined a “hexagon of alliances” linking India, Arab nations, African states, Greece, Cyprus and other Asian partners, positioning Israel as the central hub. Recent IDF strategy papers echo this, suggesting Israel could achieve “operational control” far beyond its borders without permanent occupation, likening the Middle East to a “jungle” where Israel would become the “queen.” Netanyahu now describes Israel not merely as a “regional superpower” but, in some contexts, as a “global superpower.” He promises the hexagonal alliance will confront a “radical Shia axis” and an “emerging radical Sunni axis,” with Turkey singled out as the next strategic threat. Dismissal of the Greater Israel rhetoric as wartime hyperbole would be misleading. The article warns that a permanent war‑oriented mindset permeates Israel’s political elite, security establishment and media, posing a risk of overreach and regional blowback. Containing this expansive vision may become one of the most pressing post‑war challenges for the Middle East.

The ongoing US-Israel war on Iran has taken a critical turn with Donald Trump's announcement that the US Navy would start blockading the Strait of Hormuz. This strategic waterway is crucial for global oil shipments, and any disruption could have significant economic impacts. In response, Iran's Revolutionary Guard warned that approaching military vessels to the strait would be considered a violation of the ceasefire. This development has led to a surge in oil prices, with US crude oil rising 8% to $104.24 a barrel and Brent crude oil increasing 7% to $102.29. The blockade, set to begin on Monday morning, will be implemented by US Central Command (Centcom) and will affect all maritime traffic entering and exiting Iranian ports. This move is part of a broader strategy that may include resuming limited military strikes in Iran, according to reports. The situation has drawn international attention, with Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese stating that his government has not been asked to participate in the blockade and is keen on continuing negotiations between the US and Iran. Meanwhile, Iranian parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf dismissed Trump's threats, asserting that they would have no effect on the Iranian nation.

The US has announced plans to blockade the Strait of Hormuz, a vital waterway through which about 20% of global oil passes. This move comes after ceasefire talks with Iran ended without an agreement over the weekend. The blockade, threatened by President Donald Trump, aims to pressure Iran into reopening the strait, which has been effectively closed since February 28. Trump's announcement on social media stated that the US Navy will begin the process of blockading any and all ships trying to enter or leave the Strait of Hormuz. He accused Iran of 'WORLD EXTORTION' and threatened that any person who attacked US vessels would be 'BLOWN TO HELL!' However, the blockade's scope appears to have been scaled down, with US Central Command (Centcom) stating it would be confined to vessels transiting through Iranian ports, permitting passage of ships headed to ports belonging to America's Gulf allies. The blockade is set to come into effect at 10am ET (2pm GMT). The UK will not be involved in any blockade of the strait, and Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has stated that his country was not asked to participate. Oil prices have surged following Trump's announcement, with US crude increasing 8% to $104.24 a barrel and Brent crude oil rising 7% to $102.29. Experts warn that the blockade could lead to higher oil prices, but much depends on its 'scope and implementation.' The managing director of research at ClearView Energy Partners, Kevin Book, noted that leaner volumes generally mean tighter markets and higher prices. Iranian and/or Houthi reprisals against Gulf producers' alternative routes could drive prices still higher. The blockade could cut off one of the Iranian regime's major sources of funding but might also have a short-term negative effect on global prices. About 100 tankers have transited the strait since the US and Israel started bombing Iran, most carrying Iranian oil products bound for China and India. Iran's Revolutionary Guards have stated that any warships approaching the strait to enforce a blockade would be considered in breach of the current ceasefire and would be dealt with strongly. Trump floated the possibility of a resumption of US strikes inside Iran, citing missile factories as one possible target.

The ongoing conflict in Iran has created a perilous situation where the threat of nuclear war and climate disruption have converged into a single, catastrophic crisis. This crisis will persist long after the war subsides, emphasizing the need for immediate and decisive action. For over a decade, climate change has been recognized not just as an environmental issue but as a fundamental threat to national and global security. The current situation demands that governments conduct thorough risk assessments and treat climate change with the same urgency as military threats. The war on Iran has several alarming features: Unilateral action: The US and Israel launched a large-scale war against a sovereign nation without consulting major allies, creating a diplomatically isolated conflict with no clear exit strategy. Escalation threats: There are credible threats of escalation from both sides, with Donald Trump issuing ultimatums and Iran threatening to target critical infrastructure. Catastrophic miscalculation: The conditions for miscalculation are ripe, with erratic leadership, intelligence failures, and extreme pressure on decision-makers. The conflict has significant implications: Global energy shock: The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has caused an acute global energy shock, with higher oil prices likely to accelerate inflation and economic instability. Climate impact: The war is consuming military resources and political attention, with no climate dividend, and may pressure countries to extend fossil fuel use. Australia, as a regional power and signatory to the NPT, has responsibilities to the international order. The author, Admiral Chris Barrie, calls on the Australian government to take four key steps: Conduct and release a nuclear escalation risk assessment. Use diplomatic channels to counsel restraint. Refuse any form of complicity in nuclear use. Champion de-escalation at the NPT review conference. Australia can play a crucial role in addressing these threats by acting on evidence, speaking plainly about risks, and leading rather than following events.