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The Lead A dramatic protest in Stockholm featured a depiction of Israeli Minister Itamar Ben Gvir covered in blood, drawing significant attention and controversy. The Political Demonstration in Stockholm The protest took place in the Swedish capital, where activists created a visual representation of Ben Gvir with what appeared to be blood covering his image. This demonstration occurred against the backdrop of ongoing tensions between Israel and various international groups over policies and actions related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. International Reactions The protest has elicited varied responses, with some condemning it as antisemitic while others view it as legitimate political expression. The incident highlights the complex relationship between Israeli officials and international communities, particularly in European capitals. Broader Implications Such demonstrations reflect deep-seated tensions regarding Israeli policies and the international perception of Israeli political figures. The use of graphic imagery in protests often escalates already volatile situations and complicates diplomatic relations. Future Outlook As international reactions continue to develop, this incident may influence diplomatic engagements between Israel and European nations. It also sets a precedent for how political figures are received abroad, potentially affecting future diplomatic visits and public interactions.

The Rise of Take Back PowerEve Middleton was sitting on a picnic blanket in a park, sharing out vegan biscuits with six fellow activists, when she saw a squad of police bearing down on them. About 30 officers, she said, surrounded the seven young people, and one officer told them: "Don't run or you'll be cuffed." Another officer focused on gathering evidence. "Whose Oreos are these?" they asked, seizing the biscuits."It was pretty farcical, but it's still frightening when you see that amount of officers running towards you. It's pretty scary," said student Bridie Leggatt, another of the seven.The seven activists had gathered for a "nonviolence training event" – meeting in the park to enjoy the sunny weather. Leggatt, 22, and Middleton, 25, were among 13 people arrested last weekend in Salford and London as part of a national police crackdown on a new civil resistance group called Take Back Power.The Campaign of Mass ShopliftingA further 15 arrests had been made in March when police raided a "nonviolence training" event, this time at the Grade II-listed Quaker House in Westminster. They were all held on suspicion of conspiracy to commit theft, police said, linked to Take Back Power's campaign of "mass shoplifting" in supermarkets across Britain in a protest against inequality.On TikTok, the group's videos show activists of all ages "liberating" rice, pasta, beans, nappies, stock cubes and tinned fruit from supermarkets in Cornwall, London and Manchester. They pile the goods into cardboard boxes branded with the message: "These things are going to those who need them." The items are then distributed at local food banks – if they manage to get past security.Even by today's standards of shoplifting, when supermarket thefts have reached record highs, the mass looting is quite brazen.The Financial Impact on SupermarketsSteph Parker, an assistant chief constable at Greater Manchester police, said forces would take "robust action to disrupt this type of organised criminality and it will not be tolerated".Another of those arrested last weekend, who would only give his name as Mark, said mass shoplifting would have "no real effect" on supermarkets who make billions of pounds in profit."Supermarkets are profiting off other people's misery and we can't put up with that," said Middleton, pointing out that Tesco's chief executive, Ken Murphy, was paid £9.2m last year, about 400 times that of the shop's typical worker.What about the effect on low-paid staff? Will they not risk losing their jobs if mass shoplifting has an effect on company profits?"It shouldn't be staff that get cut," said Mark, 44, who works in education. "What should get cut are the obscene profits and salaries of the chief executives."The Changing Landscape of ActivismMany of those involved with the group are seasoned activists – despite being in their early 20s – having taking part in actions with Extinction Rebellion, Just Stop Oil, Animal Rising and other groups in recent years. Neither Middleton or Leggatt wanted to say how many times they had been arrested as they feared a telling off from their parents.Take Back Power announced itself in December when activists threw custard and apple crumble at a case containing the crown jewels at the Tower of London. Eight people were charged with criminal damage over the stunts, with four due to appear before Westminster magistrates court on Monday. The group said a total of 50 people had been arrested since December, with the majority detained while taking part in "nonviolence training" events.On its website, activists are invited to join upcoming action in London "targeting the luxury lifestyle of the super-rich" by "occupying where they play and shop".A spokesperson for Take Back Power, who would only give his name as James due to the risk of arrest, said the group planned further headline-grabbing stunts this year with the aim of focusing attention on Britain's deepening inequality.The Future of Civil ResistanceJames said the organisation, which wants to see higher taxes levied on the rich and a legally binding citizens' assembly, has no leader "as such". It has raised more than £65,000 in donations in the past four months, according to a fundraising page.The vegan picnic raided by police last weekend was in Salford's Peel Park – named after Sir Robert Peel, the founder of modern law enforcement whose philosophy of "policing by consent" is a guiding principle of forces today, recognising that those in uniform operate on the basis of public trust rather than fear or force.Yet the arrests of activists at a training event – rather than for a specific act – appears to run counter to that principle, said Middleton. Parliament's joint committee on human rights has condemned legislative changes in recent years that it said have had "a chilling effect" on the right to protest in England and Wales.James, the Take Back Power spokesperson, said the group planned to build up its action with the aim of pushing inequality to the top of the agenda by the next general election, which has to be held by August 2029.Middleton believes the police crackdown is a sign that the authorities are scared."They can see that Take Back Power does speak to a lot of this country's people [who are] fed up with inequality. They are scared of what it could become."

Study Reveals Criminalisation Fuels Climate Activist DeterminationThe latest research shows that the UK’s strategy of criminalising direct‑action climate protests is counter‑productive, heightening the willingness of activists to engage in disruptive or covert tactics.Survey of 1,375 Extinction Rebellion Members Shows Repression Boosts Radical Intent1,375 anonymous respondents from an Extinction Rebellion mailing list completed the survey.Those who had already faced arrests, fines or imprisonment reported lower fear and higher intent to protest again.Among participants without prior repression, anger or contempt toward potential crackdowns correlated with stronger future protest intentions, while fear reduced such intentions.Arrest and Fine Rates Far Exceed Global Average, Highlighting Policy DisparityBetween 2019‑2024, 17% of UK climate protests resulted in arrests, compared with an international average of 6.3%.High‑profile cases include a four‑year jail sentence for a motorway‑blocking plan and denial of a “reasonable excuse” defence.Repression Risks Shifting Tactics Toward Covert SabotageResearchers warn that heavy‑handed policing may drive activists toward “sabotage” actions such as cutting internet cables.Dr Nicole Tausch (University of St Andrews) notes that contempt for the state can erode compliance with legal norms.Sunniva Davies‑Rommetveit adds that emerging covert tactics could become more common if legitimate protest avenues are blocked.Policy Recommendations and Outlook for UK Protest LawThe Home Office emphasizes the need to balance lawful protest with public order, but the study suggests a recalibration is needed.An independent review of public order and hate‑crime legislation is underway, with findings expected soon.Experts argue that listening to activist concerns and providing legitimate channels for dissent could reduce radicalisation and maintain democratic legitimacy.

The Erasure of a Scholar's LegacyWhen Donald Trump returned to office in January last year, one of his first acts was to sign an executive order intended to cut federal funding for any school teaching what the administration defined as "critical race theory." A raft of other orders mandated the termination of DEI (diversity, equity and inclusion) personnel, offices and training across the federal government. Federal agencies began flagging hundreds of words to avoid or eliminate, including "intersectional" and "intersectionality." All of which has amounted to 40 years of Kimberlé Crenshaw's work being literally and deliberately erased.The Architect of IntersectionalityFor decades, the 66-year-old legal scholar has been naming things that powerful people would prefer remain unnamed. In 1989, she coined the term intersectionality to describe the way race and gender overlap to shape lived experience, often in ways the law fails to recognize. Around the same time, she was one of a group of African American scholars who created the framework that came to be known as "critical race theory," which sought to examine how racism is embedded in legal systems rather than simply enacted through individual prejudice. Now, Crenshaw's ideas are being contested like never before.The Political Weaponization of Academic Concepts"Unfortunately, I did see this coming," she tells me over a video call from the California offices of the African American Policy Forum, the thinktank she co-founded. We are calling to discuss Crenshaw's new memoir, Backtalker, but the conversation soon shifts. "The fact that they are targeting this … it is because they understand the power of these ideas, the power of this history." Behind her, posters reading "History repeats when we forget" and "The freedom to learn is the freedom to live" hang alongside shelves of critical race theory texts and Black history books the likes of which have, in some states, become politically radioactive.The Cultural War Over "Woke" IdeologyWhat makes the intensity of this backlash striking is how recently Crenshaw's work entered mainstream public consciousness. Until a few years ago, ideas such as intersectionality and critical race theory remained largely within the domain of legal scholarship, academic debate and activist vernacular. It wasn't until 2020, when a loose coalition of conservative activists, media figures and politicians began elevating them as political flashpoints, that they were thrust into the centre of the culture wars. In the ensuing five years, this snowballed into all-out war against "woke," with critical race theory as its ultimate bogeyman. It became a byword for liberal overreach, a catch-all for everything that was wrong with the US in the eyes of the conservative right.The Fascist Narrative and American Democracy"Trump jumped on a bandwagon started by a few rightwing propagandists, claiming that intersectionality and critical race theory were anti-white, anti-male and anti-American," she says. "Fox News amplified this, and within weeks, these ideas were mentioned more than they had been in the previous four decades."Crenshaw, true to form, is not shy about naming what she considers to be the problem. "One of the keys of fascism is control of the nation's narrative," she says. "That, alongside creating a group of people that are legitimate targets of exclusion – an us and them – allows for the autocrat to be seen as the embodiment of the essential nation. And in the United States, we come prefabricated for that dimension of fascism to set into our politics."Why is it that so many white Americans are willing to continue to vote for a president that is demolishing democracy, so long as he's willing to affirm them effectively as true Americans?" she continues. "Because of the idea that those over there are different from us. They don't really belong. That is the way fascism works."From Childhood Inequality to Intellectual FrameworkIt is clearly in Crenshaw's DNA to confront injustice, as is evidenced in Backtalker, which chronicles her journey from witnessing inequality as a child to challenging entrenched power structures in law, academia and politics. "Being a backtalker is like being lactose intolerant," she writes. "There is BS that I cannot digest. To accept anything close to second-class status as the price of belonging sickens me."Born in Ohio in 1959, on the verge of the civil rights movement, Crenshaw grew up at a time of expanding yet restricted possibilities. She watched that tension unfolding in real time, in the speeches of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr on television, and in discussions around the kitchen table, where her parents, dedicated anti-racist activists, treated politics as a daily practice. "As a Black child, I had early inklings that differences would matter in my life, even if I couldn't name them," she says.The Making of an Intersectional ConsciousnessOne such inkling came when her family moved to the predominantly white suburb of Canton, Ohio. "When we arrived, there were children playing everywhere," she remembers. "I was excited." But almost overnight, the children vanished. Neighbours treated the new family as intruders and shouted slurs when they walked by; an estate agent knocked on their door urging a quick sale.Perhaps the most formative incident came when she was five years old, and was the only girl in her all-white class who was not given the opportunity to play the princess, Thorn Rosa, in a school performance. "Thorn Rosa marks the stirring of my nascent awareness that my colour and my girlness were linked," she writes."You push that doubt down until something happens that forces it open," she tells me. "You realize that how others see you will shape your experiences. And that realization is traumatic."The Trauma of Loss and the Birth of ActivismWhat mattered, she says, was that those moments were not dismissed. "I credit my parents for taking them seriously," she says. "They refused to minimize what I experienced, even as a young child. That affirmation was freeing, it told me my feelings were grounded in reality and gave me permission to understand them."It was tragedy that would, in many ways, become the making of the young Crenshaw. She was eight years old when Martin Luther King Jr was assassinated in 1968 – a before-and-after moment in her life. The following day, young Black activists in Canton directed schoolchildren to the local church for a hastily organized memorial service. Crowded into pews, everyone was silent when the activists asked if anyone had anything to say about Dr. King. No one moved. It was Crenshaw who broke the silence, exhorting the crowd not to let his death be the end of the freedom struggle. "We pick up where he left off," she recalls saying. "We continue to walk in his footsteps. They can't kill his dream for us – not if we won't let them."Further devastation followed. A year later, her father, an apparently healthy 34-year-old, died suddenly, leaving the family reeling. Not long after, her older brother Mantel was shot and killed while at university. The circumstances were never fully explained, and justice never came. She writes of that period with unflinching candor: "Happiness was dead." These losses left an indelible mark, sharpening her awareness of the unevenness of justice in a world already structured by racial and social inequities.The Complexity of Solidarity and the Limits of "We"Crenshaw arrived at Cornell University in 1978, to a campus shaped by the afterlives of civil rights struggle and Black student organizing. It was there that she entered into a relationship with a fellow student that became physically abusive. In one incident, he beat her and tried to throw her from the window of her 10th-floor dorm room."We were eye-to-eye when he threw the first punch," she writes in Backtalker. "Pressed out of denial, I woke to the fact that he was going to beat the daylights out of me."What followed unsettled her understanding of community more profoundly than the violence itself. Rather than rallying around her, many of her peers – fellow Black students and friends – closed ranks around him. To involve authorities, they told her, would be to expose a Black man to a system already predisposed against him. The implication was that her suffering as a woman should be subordinated to a broader racial solidarity."The way that sexual violence against Black women has long been justified – framing us as unlikely ever to say no to any sexual encounter – you can know this historically, but then when you experience it interpersonally, you have to grapple with the fact that more people in your own community will come to the defense of your abuser than you," she says. "It really presses the question of 'what is solidarity supposed to look like?' she continues. "What does it mean to defend the 'we', when that 'we' often excludes me?"The Birth of Intersectionality in Legal TheoryCrenshaw returns to that question – of the instability of "we"– again and again. From arriving at Harvard Law School and being called the N-word on her first day, to being directed to enter the university's exclusive Fly Club through the back door because she was a woman – the Black male friends she was with, rather than challenge the slight, urged her not to make a scene. What she would later call "asymmetrical solidarities" revealed themselves in practice: loyalty expected but not returned. "I cannot bring myself to ride or die for a politics that won't ride or die for me," she writes of the incident.In legal terms, the problem came into focus when Crenshaw came across a 1976 case in which an African American woman was denied the ability to bring a discrimination claim against her employer on the grounds that the law could recognize race or gender, but not both at once. Her experience – specifically of being discriminated against as a Black woman – fell through the cracks and the case was thrown out of court. In 1989, Crenshaw identified this form of compound discrimination and gave it a name: intersectionality. Around the same time, she was part of a group of scholars developing what would become critical race theory, a broader attempt to understand how racism is a structural part of the legal system.The Promise and Limits of Political RepresentationIt is a lesson that would resurface, years later, in a very different arena. When Barack Obama was elected president in 2008, the language of "we" returned with renewed force – this time, as a promise. For many, Obama's election felt like a rupture with the past. But for Crenshaw, it quickly raised a familiar question."I didn't think it would happen in my lifetime," she says, of that initial hope after Obama's victory. "It felt like a miracle. My mother and I celebrated together on the phone – I was dancing on a table at Stanford and she was doing the same in her retirement facility. For her especially, it was a dream come true."But symbolism, Crenshaw suggests, has limits, particularly when it is used as a substitute for structural change. She found his reticence to address racial injustice head-on frustrating. Very quickly, the terms of Obama's political viability became clear."He had been framed as post-racial, beyond these issues," she says. "And that framing became a constraint on what he could say and how directly he could address racial injustice."Even when Obama did address racial inequality more explicitly in his second term – most notably after the killing of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin in 2012 – the focus, she felt, remained narrow, failing to address the systemic nature of the problem.The Future of Racial Justice in AmericaAs Crenshaw reflects on her life's work and the current political climate, she remains committed to the struggle for racial justice, even as her ideas face unprecedented opposition. "If speaking out means being at odds with people I love, well, so be it," she writes. "I still love them. I hope they still love me."Looking ahead, Crenshaw sees both challenges and opportunities in the fight for racial justice. The backlash against critical race theory and intersectionality, she argues, is a sign of the power these ideas hold to transform American society. "There's a long history in this country of using the threat of violence to keep people under heel," she observes. "But the resistance has always been there too, and it's getting stronger."As America continues to grapple with its racial legacy, Crenshaw's work – and the concept of intersectionality she pioneered – offers a framework for understanding the complex ways race, gender, and other identities intersect to shape experiences of discrimination and privilege. Whether this framework will survive the current political assault remains to be seen, but Crenshaw's decades of scholarship and activism have already left an indelible mark on American discourse and law.

Lead: High‑Profile Intellectuals Mobilise Against Palestine Action BanOver 130 renowned writers, musicians, scholars and activists have signed a single‑sentence letter—"We oppose genocide, we support Palestine Action"—addressed to the UK Court of Appeal. The move is timed for the April 28‑29 hearings that will determine whether the government’s terrorist‑organisation label on Palestine Action stands.Public Figures Rally Behind Palestine Action Ahead of Court HearingThe open letter, released on Friday, bears 132 signatures and includes Sally Rooney, Greta Thunberg, philosopher Judith Butler, musicians Nadine Shah and Brian Eno, and writers such as China Miéville, Lina Meruane and Tariq Ali. Signatories span leading universities—Cambridge, Oxford, Yale, Columbia and the London School of Economics—underscoring the breadth of academic and cultural opposition to the ban.Numbers Highlighting the Legal and Protest Landscape132 signatures on the letter.More than 130 public figures involved.Government designated Palestine Action a “terrorist organisation” in July 2025, equating it with Hezbollah and al‑Qaeda.Support for the group is punishable by up to 14 years imprisonment.Metropolitan Police arrested over 500 demonstrators earlier this month and have a record of > 3,000 arrests for similar expressions of support.Implications for UK Free Speech and Protest LawThe High Court’s February ruling that the ban was unlawful and disproportionate set a precedent, prompting the Met to pause arrests. However, the government’s appeal and the Met’s recent reversal—arresting protesters again—signal a potential tightening of enforcement. If the appeal succeeds, the legal risk for academics and artists expressing solidarity could rise sharply, chilling dissent and reshaping the UK’s protest jurisprudence.What the Upcoming Appeal Could Mean for Activism and Government PolicyLegal experts predict the Court of Appeal will weigh national security claims against fundamental rights to free expression. A upheld ban would reinforce a hardline stance, likely prompting further international criticism and galvanising more coordinated civil‑society campaigns. Conversely, a reversal could force the government to reconsider its terrorism‑designation framework, possibly leading to legislative reforms that better protect lawful protest.

On 24 April 2026, a group of pro‑Palestinian activists broke into a compound in Israel that is widely reported to be an Elbit Systems drone production facility, raising alarms about the vulnerability of critical defense infrastructure. Break‑in at the Suspected Elbit Drone Facility Location: Unnamed industrial zone near Israel's central region. Perpetrators: Unidentified pro‑Palestinian activists, estimated 5‑7 individuals. Method: Forced entry through a side gate, disabling security cameras. Outcome: Minor property damage; no reported injuries; activists left behind protest banners. Limited Quantitative Data on the Incident Official sources have not disclosed precise financial losses or the exact number of drones affected. Media reports suggest the breach lasted less than an hour, and no sensitive technology was confirmed stolen. Implications for Israel’s Defense and Activist Strategies The breach underscores a new tactical front where activist groups target high‑value defense assets to draw international attention. For Elbit Systems and the broader Israeli defense sector, the incident may prompt a reassessment of physical security protocols, especially at facilities handling unmanned‑air‑system components. Looking Ahead: Security Tightening and Regional Tensions Analysts anticipate that Israeli authorities will increase surveillance and harden access controls at similar sites. The event could also fuel heightened rhetoric between Israeli officials and pro‑Palestinian movements, potentially influencing future policy and diplomatic discourse.

UK rights groups have condemned the recent convictions of pro‑Palestine leaders Ben Jamal and Chris Nineham, calling the government's approach to dissent “authoritarian”. The eight‑organisation coalition warned that the judgments risk a broader chilling effect on democratic protest. Convictions of Pro‑Palestine Leaders for Breaching Protest Rules In January 2025, during a mass rally in London, Jamal and Nineham led a group that laid flowers at the BBC headquarters, an area police had declared off‑limits. Both were later charged with failing to comply with protest conditions, and Jamal faced an additional count of incitement. Financial Penalties and Sentences Imposed Ben Jamal: 18 months conditional discharge and £7,500 prosecution costs. Chris Nineham: 12 months conditional discharge and £7,500 prosecution costs. Potential Chilling Effect on UK Protest Landscape The coalition, which includes Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, Article 19, Liberty, Friends of the Earth, Big Brother Watch, English PEN and Greenpeace, argued the case exemplifies the “sweeping powers police now possess to strangle peaceful protest”. They warned that recasting lawful dissent as “inherently suspect” could erode rights secured by historic movements. Outlook: Legal Appeals and Future of Protest Rights Both men are appealing their convictions. The groups urge courts to overturn the rulings, emphasizing that continued use of counter‑terrorism legislation to curb peaceful assembly could attract further domestic and international scrutiny of the UK’s human‑rights record.

The Public Backlash Against Palantir Over 229,000 people have signed two separate petitions calling on the UK government to sever all ties with the US tech giant Palantir. The campaign targets the company's controversial role in the NHS, police forces, and military, citing its involvement with ICE immigration enforcement and the Israeli military. The Scale of UK Public Sector Contracts Palantir currently holds a significant footprint in the UK public sector, with contracts valued at approximately £600m. Key areas of involvement include a £330m patient data contract with the NHS, a £240m deal with the Ministry of Defence, and ongoing discussions with the Metropolitan Police to utilize AI for criminal intelligence analysis. The PR War: Policy vs. Memes The conflict has escalated into a highly publicized battle between activists and Palantir's leadership. A UK MP described the company's manifesto as "the ramblings of a supervillain," while Green Party leader Zack Polanski and campaigner Jolyon Maugham have launched a podcast investigation. In response, Palantir's UK CEO, Louis Mosley, has engaged in a social media war, posting memes and challenging critics to public debates. Future Outlook: Can the Government Pivot? The Liberal Democrats have joined the calls to cancel the NHS contract and halt new deals. With Wes Streeting, the Health Secretary, facing pressure, the government faces a critical decision. The risk of reputational damage to the NHS and public trust in government data handling is high, potentially forcing a strategic pivot away from controversial private contractors.

The Lead: Muslim Communities Allege Voter-List Freeze Ahead of State PollAhead of the 2026 state election, Muslim voters in several districts have reported that new applications to update or add names to the electoral roll have been halted, effectively barring them from casting ballots. Activists claim the move is politically motivated, aimed at reducing the community's influence in a tightly contested race.Alleged Voter-List Freeze Targets Muslim ConstituenciesElection officials announced a temporary suspension of new voter registrations on April 15, 2026.Local NGOs report that over 200,000 Muslim applicants were denied entry during the freeze.The suspension coincides with the final phase of campaigning by the ruling BJP and opposition Congress parties.Numbers Behind the Freeze: Voter Registrations and DemographicsTotal eligible voters in the state: 45 million.Muslim population accounts for roughly 12% of the electorate, translating to about 5.4 million potential voters.Pre-freeze data showed a year‑on‑year increase of 3.2% in Muslim voter registrations, now stalled.Political Ramifications for Parties and Communal BalanceThe BJP risks alienating a swing‑voter bloc that could be decisive in marginal constituencies.Congress and regional allies are positioning themselves as defenders of minority voting rights, seeking to mobilise affected communities.Human‑rights groups have filed a petition with the Supreme Court, arguing the freeze violates constitutional guarantees of universal suffrage.What the Next Election Cycle May Hold for Minority ParticipationIf courts intervene and the freeze is lifted, Muslim voter turnout could rebound, potentially reshaping seat allocations in the state assembly. Conversely, a prolonged exclusion may set a precedent for administrative tools to influence electoral outcomes, prompting nationwide scrutiny of voter‑list management practices.