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Iran launched a new barrage of missiles at Israel following President Donald Trump’s televised claim that Washington had "destroyed the Iranian military" and was on the brink of completing its war objectives. Trump’s address, delivered hours after he asserted that Tehran had requested a ceasefire—a claim Tehran promptly denied—also featured a pledge to "finish the job" and a statement that the core strategic goals of the United States were "nearing completion." Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian emphasized that Iran holds no hostility toward the peoples of the United States, Europe or neighboring states, while urging the American public to question the motives behind the continued conflict. In Tehran, the war has intensified: US‑Israeli air campaigns continue to cause casualties and infrastructure damage, and Iranian forces persist with missile and drone counter‑attacks. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi warned that, despite receiving messages from Washington, "trust remains at zero" for any negotiation. Senior political figure Kamal Kharazi, a former foreign minister, was seriously wounded when a strike hit his home in Tehran, killing his wife. Kharazi had been involved in back‑channel talks through Pakistan aimed at reviving negotiations. In the Gulf, the United Arab Emirates reported intercepting incoming Iranian missiles and drones, and a tanker off Doha sustained damage from a projectile, though no casualties were reported. President Trump publicly thanked Gulf allies, pledging that the United States would not allow them to be harmed. Within the United States, analysts such as Trita Parsi of the Quincy Institute noted that Trump’s speech offered little new information, essentially summarising recent tweets and suggesting a lack of a clear operational plan. Israel’s military confirmed that its air‑defence systems were actively intercepting Iranian missiles, but the attack wounded 14 civilians, including an 11‑year‑old girl, near Tel Aviv. Israeli officials said the timeline outlined by Trump aligns with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s assessment of the campaign. Regional spill‑over continued: an Israeli strike on Beirut killed a senior Hezbollah commander and at least seven civilians, while an air strike on Iraq’s Anbar province killed seven fighters and injured 13 at a military healthcare clinic. On the economic front, the World Bank expressed "extreme concern" about the conflict’s impact on inflation, employment and food security, and is consulting member states on emergency measures. Despite the turmoil, global equity markets rallied and oil prices fell after Trump’s optimistic remarks, indicating short‑term investor relief.

For the first time, the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust (JRCT) is creating a dedicated reparations role, appointing Prof. Keon West—a Rhodes Scholar and author of The Science of Racism—to lead the effort. West, who also serves as a visiting professor at the London School of Economics and heads research at the Runnymede Trust, will begin his tenure later this month. The appointment arrives amid intensifying global calls for former colonial powers to confront historic injustices. West’s mandate is to map how enslavement, indentured labour and European imperialism fed the supply chains of Rowntree’s iconic brands such as KitKat, Fruit Pastilles and Smarties. Founded in 1904 when philanthropist Joseph Rowntree endowed the trust with profits from his chocolate and cocoa ventures, JRCT operates on Quaker principles aimed at tackling the roots of inequality. Recent research, spurred by the Black Lives Matter movement, uncovered that African and Asian workers were exploited in Rowntree’s production lines throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Historical investigations by the Rowntree Society revealed that, while the family never directly owned enslaved people, their businesses sold commodities produced by enslaved or unfree labour as far back as 1822. The company also benefitted from the indenture system, acquiring plantations in Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad in the 1890s to grow cocoa, bananas and other crops. Further links to colonial exploitation include purchases of cocoa from Portuguese‑controlled São Tomé and Príncipe, as well as commercial interests in Nigeria, Ghana and apartheid‑era South Africa. In the early 1980s, Black workers at the South African subsidiary Wilson Rowntree faced harsh labour suppression. In 2021, JRCT issued a public apology, stating it was “deeply sorry” for its historical connections to “abhorrent practices” and acknowledging the lasting impact of these actions on systemic racism today. West will design a comprehensive reparations programme that engages directly with affected communities—“Black people, brown people and people of colour”—to develop long‑term restorative justice strategies. He said, "I am honoured to accept this role. It offers the power and the responsibility to make real, meaningful changes in the lives of those who have been exploited." JRCT chief executive Nicola Purdy expressed enthusiasm, noting that the reparations initiative aligns with the trust’s charitable purpose of promoting peace, equality, human rights and climate action. Financially, JRCT allocated £13.5 million in grants in 2025, supporting organisations that advance its core missions. In 2023, it contributed £10,000 to an all‑party parliamentary group advocating for a formal UK apology for slavery and colonisation. The Rowntree family, alongside fellow Quaker dynasties Fry and Cadbury, were central to the British confectionery trade during the colonial era. Their brand was later acquired by Nestlé in 1988, but the trust’s new reparations focus underscores a broader reckoning with the historical foundations of the industry.

The Champions Cup’s single‑leg knockout stage has historically favoured hosts – only two of the 24 matches since the format’s introduction three years ago have seen the home side lose. This weekend’s fixtures threaten to upend that trend.Defending champions Bordeaux Bègles have been quoted at 1‑100 odds to defeat a severely weakened Leicester Tigers on Sunday – a price more suited to a two‑horse race. The Tigers will be without key internationals Ollie Chessum, Joe Heyes and Nicky Smith, all ruled out for the match.Coach Geoff Parling has elected to rest his forward trio to preserve a top‑four finish in the domestic league, a decision that underscores the growing difficulty English clubs face in juggling league ambitions with European knockout demands.Parling’s dilemma echoes a similar scenario a year ago when Saracens rested their stars and suffered a crushing 72‑point defeat to Toulon. Alongside Saracens, Harlequins, Leicester and Sale collectively conceded 215 points and exited the competition without a whisper of a fight. Only Bath Rugby has managed to maintain sufficient squad depth to compete on both fronts.The competition’s structure is locked in until 2030, with a 2028 twist that will see the eight quarter‑finalists face seven Super Rugby Pacific teams and one Japanese side, aiming to crown a true world club champion every four years. Yet the packed calendar – culminating in the 2027 World Cup and the 2028 Six Nations – raises serious questions about player availability.“I just don’t know how you fit everything in,” Parling admitted. “The game is very physical now. We all want the best versus the best, but it is what it is.”Knockout success now demands back‑to‑back weekend victories. For example, if Northampton Saints overcome Castres on Friday night, they will face a fully‑strengthened Bath the following week, unless Saracens can engineer a dramatic turnaround after their recent 62‑15 Premiership loss at the Rec.Other clubs face similar uphill battles: Harlequins could earn a Dublin trip after beating Sale, only to recall their heavy 62‑0 defeat to Leinster in April; Bristol might pull off a miracle in Toulouse but would likely meet Bordeaux in the last eight.South African provinces are gathering momentum, with the Stormers and Bulls arguably better placed to silence home crowds in Glasgow and Toulon than earlier in the season. Stormers coach John Dobson quipped, “What will it take us to win? Venus to align with Uranus and Saturn.”Meanwhile, Glasgow Warriors have become notoriously difficult to beat at Scotstoun. If any of the traditional powerhouses – Northampton, Bath, Toulon, Glasgow, Toulouse, Harlequins, Bordeaux or Leinster – fail to reach the quarter‑finals, their conquerors will have defied the odds.

Britain is confronting the most severe energy shock since the early 1970s, as exports of oil, gas and fertiliser from the Middle East have abruptly stopped. The government says a response plan exists, but details remain vague. It is unclear whether the UK is better prepared for the fallout from Donald Trump’s war with Iran than it was for the pandemic six years ago. Ministers are sending a "we have your back" message to the public while simultaneously signalling to financial markets that any assistance will be limited and targeted. Contingency planning is especially difficult when dealing with an unpredictable leader like Trump. Britain’s heavy reliance on imported energy and food means that reassurance can only hold for a short time. The economy entered the conflict already on shaky ground: unemployment rose steadily throughout 2025 and growth stalled to a virtual standstill in the final quarter of that year. The sudden loss of Middle‑East energy and fertiliser supplies now adds a colossal supply shock. Last year, Trump’s “liberation day” tariff hikes served as a dry run for a far more serious confrontation. This time, the war is taking place in a region that is both volatile and crucial to the global economy. In the past two weeks, the repercussions have been felt across Asia – the Philippines declared a state of emergency, Sri Lanka introduced a four‑day work week, and South Korea announced budget measures to help households cope with soaring energy bills. The continent is the most dependent on Gulf‑exported energy, making the impact there the sharpest. The International Monetary Fund warned that the shock will drive higher prices and slower growth worldwide. Shortages push fuel and food prices up, eroding disposable income, prompting businesses to cut staff, and increasing the risk of recession. The UK, already projected to be one of the poorest‑performing major economies in 2026, could see its fresh graduate cohort face a brutal job market. Trump’s claim that the war could end within two or three weeks appears desperate. Even a rapid cease‑fire would leave substantial collateral damage, creating a stagflation scenario that could hurt Republican prospects in the upcoming mid‑term elections. British officials hope a swift resolution will limit economic damage, allowing a short‑term inflation spike to subside and the Bank of England to resume interest‑rate cuts. Treasury plans include scrapping the planned autumn fuel‑duty rise and providing targeted help for the poorest households, though the path is unlikely to be that simple. Currently, the Treasury is hesitant to act boldly for fear of unsettling bond markets. History – the 2008 banking collapse and the 2020 pandemic – shows that governments can act decisively without triggering a market backlash, using tools such as aggressive rate cuts, increased borrowing, and quantitative easing. The Bank of England has warned of a "substantial negative supply shock" and is expected to soften markets for future rate cuts, which are inevitable. Finance Minister Rachel Reeves could mitigate labour‑market pain by reversing recent increases in employers’ National Insurance contributions, subsidising public transport, and even lowering speed limits to conserve energy. The war, like the pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, underscores the fragility of global supply chains and the need for greater British self‑reliance. Investing heavily in renewable energy is essential, but the UK also imports roughly 40% of its food and has not run a manufacturing trade surplus since 1982. In a world of disrupted supply lines, a robust plan for economic self‑sufficiency is more urgent than ever. Larry Elliott is a Guardian columnist.

When asked before Arsenal’s win over Everton how the upcoming international break might affect his squad, Mikel Arteta stressed the club’s “good communication” with national team coaches and promised to make “the right decisions” after assessing each player’s condition. That cautious optimism was quickly shattered. Following the Carabao Cup final loss to Manchester City, a cascade of withdrawals began. William Saliba pulled out of France’s squad with a left‑ankle injury, and Jurriën Timber missed the Netherlands call‑up due to a lingering groin problem. Within 24 hours, Gabriel Magalhães (Brazil) and Leandro Trossard (Belgium) also withdrew, while Eberechi Eze was forced out of England duty because of a calf strain that kept him out of the cup final. Captain Martin Ødegaard, still recovering from a previous ankle‑ligament injury sustained on international duty, did not feature in the final and subsequently withdrew from Norway’s squad. Arsenal’s injury list continued to grow on Friday when Noni Maduke (England) and Piero Hincapié (Ecuador) limped out of their respective friendlies. Both are doubtful for the FA Cup clash with Southampton at St Mary’s, though the club hopes they may return sooner. Mid‑week, Martín Zubimendi became the eleventh Arsenal player to pull out of an international roster, citing pain in his left knee. The Spain midfielder has logged more Premier League minutes than any Arsenal player this season, edging out Declan Rice and Jurriën Timber. Despite the setbacks, Viktor Gyökeres showed full commitment to Sweden, scoring a hat‑trick in the play‑off against Ukraine and later netting the decisive goal against Poland. By contrast, Riccardo Calafiori returns to London after Italy’s 120‑minute defeat to Bosnia and Herzegovina, a match that highlighted Italy’s ongoing World Cup qualification woes. Arteta’s dilemma mirrors the challenges faced by Sir Alex Ferguson in the early 2000s, when the Manchester United legend famously limited his players’ international minutes. The modern Arsenal squad, arguably one of the deepest in Premier League history, now faces a delicate balancing act: preserving player fitness while competing on three fronts – the league, the FA Cup, and the Champions League quarter‑final against Sporting Lisbon next week in Portugal. With the club already having contested over 50 matches this season and potentially adding another 15 if they reach both cup finals, the psychological impact of another major‑trophy loss could be significant. Arteta will need his remaining fit players to step up and deliver, or risk seeing the season’s ambitions slip away.

The usual visual language of hospital dramas relies on sterile whites and bright fluorescents. ‘What I’m Here For’ discards that palette entirely, immersing the audience in a world of black costumes and shadow‑filled set pieces.This daring aesthetic is the result of a collaboration between Vanishing Point of Glasgow and Teater Katapult from Aarhus, Denmark. Designer Mai Katsume outfits nurses, doctors and patients in deep black, arranging them in stark rows that dominate an ominously dark stage.At the centre stands Lærke Schjærff Engelbrecht as Flora, a nurse forced onto an extra weekend shift because of chronic short‑staffing. Even the flickering strip lights beneath her feet are cloaked in darkness, a visual choice amplified by Simon Wilkinson’s austere lighting design that drains the scene of any residual warmth, turning a hectic night ward into a gothic horror tableau.Written by Josephine Eusebius and performed in a blend of Danish and English, the script follows a familiar premise—too many patients, too few staff—but pushes it to a psychological extreme. Flora cheerfully repeats the hospital‑as‑hotel mantra while confronting impossible choices, such as whether to prioritize a pleasant woman with a brain tumour in room 22 or a demanding lady with a heart condition in room 33.The tension is heightened by Mark Melville’s pulse‑driven soundtrack, a low‑frequency thrum that underscores Flora’s isolation. As in many of director Matthew Lenton’s productions, the protagonist is both integral to and alienated from the medical team, a duality made palpable by her physical separation from the other actors and their disembodied commentary.Throughout the performance, Flora remains downstage, engaging in dream‑like exchanges with colleagues whose looming presence becomes as oppressive as the life‑and‑death decisions she must make. The staging forces the audience to feel the weight of each moral dilemma, turning routine triage into an almost tactile nightmare.‘What I’m Here For’ runs at the Tron in Glasgow until 4 April and will tour to other venues until 18 April.

Blanche McIntyre reimagines Noël Coward’s classic Private Lives at Manchester’s Royal Exchange Theatre with a daring in‑the‑round set that spins the audience into the couple’s turbulent romance.The production opens in a sleek, monochrome French resort designed by Dick Bird. As ex‑spouses Amanda (played with acid poise by Jill Halfpenny) and Elyot (delivered with dry detachment by Steve John Shepherd) collide on their respective honeymoons, the stage begins to rotate, creating a queasy, carnival‑like atmosphere that mirrors their escalating desire and spite.Both characters quickly abandon their new partners—Victor, a self‑satisfied ordinary portrayed by Daniel Millar, and the hysterically grating Sibyl, embodied by Shazia Nicholls—and flee to Paris. In Amanda’s cluttered flat, surrounded by half‑eaten meals and booze, the rekindled romance begins to sour, exposing the uglier layers of their destructive bond.The chemistry between Halfpenny and Shepherd shines as they deliver Coward’s razor‑sharp bon mots with effortless flair. Yet, in the second act, the performance feels slightly restrained; moments of lust and violence are hinted at rather than fully unleashed, leaving the climactic confrontation somewhat blunted despite the frantic spinning set.Supporting roles add texture: Millar’s Victor exudes contented self‑importance, while Nicholls hints at a hidden cunning beneath Sibyl’s hysterics. Sara Lessore’s turn as the Parisian maid Louise underscores the privileged caprices of the main characters.Overall, the production presents Amanda and Elyot’s relationship as a capricious game between sophisticated players rather than a dangerously irresistible passion, a nuance amplified by the theatrical whirl that never quite loses control.The show runs at the Royal Exchange until 2 May, offering theatre‑goers a uniquely dizzy experience of Coward’s wit and venom.

Italy awoke on Wednesday in a state of anger and disbelief after the Azzurri were eliminated from the FIFA World Cup 2026 qualification by a 4-1 penalty shoot‑out defeat to Bosnia and Herzegovina, following a 1‑1 draw in regular time.The loss represents the third straight playoff elimination for Italy – previous setbacks came against Sweden and North Macedonia – and has revived what the front page of Corriere della Sera dubbed the "World Cup curse."Italian media, including La Gazzetta dello Sport and Corriere dello Sport, echoed the sentiment with headlines proclaiming “We’re all staying at home,” underscoring the depth of national disappointment.Key moments in the match included a red card for Alessandro Bastoni in the 42nd minute for a last‑man tackle, a turning point that shifted momentum despite Italy leading at the time.Fans expressed their shock and frustration: "Everything went badly from the start of the match. The team wasn’t good, players out of form… it makes no sense," said Davide Caldaretta, a spectator in a Rome pub, to Reuters.Melanie Cardillo, also speaking to Reuters, described herself as “really upset and disappointed,” adding that the repeated failures have eroded hope.Beyond football, Italy recently celebrated a record 30 medals at the Milan‑Cortina Winter Olympics and 40 medals at the 2024 Paris Summer Games, highlighting the country's broader sporting prowess, from speed skater Francesca Lollobrigida to tennis champion Jannik Sinner.Nevertheless, the football debacle prompted a political backlash. Sport Minister Andrea Abodi called on FIGC President Gabriele Gravina to resign, stating, "Italian football needs to be rebuilt from the ground up, starting with changes at the top of the FIGC."Gravina refused to step down, noting that a board meeting next week will determine his future. Tensions have risen between the government and the federation, with Gravina accusing the state of treating football as a "state sport" while favoring other disciplines.Former Prime Minister Matteo Renzi weighed in, calling the elimination “unfortunately not an April Fool’s joke” and emphasizing that football is integral to Italy’s cultural identity.In response to Gravina’s remarks, speed skater Francesca Lollobrigida posted sarcastically on Instagram, "I’m an amateur," underscoring the broader debate over responsibility for the missed qualification.As Italy prepares for the next board meeting, the nation faces a pivotal moment: whether to overhaul its football governance or continue grappling with a perceived "curse" that has kept the Azzurri out of the world stage for three consecutive cycles.

Israel’s parliament has approved a law that authorises the death penalty solely for Palestinians convicted in West Bank military courts for what the courts define as "terrorism" killings of Israelis. The measure was greeted with celebration by far‑right politicians, yet it has drawn swift rebuke from the United Nations human‑rights chief, who warned it could constitute a war crime, and from a broad coalition of international observers.Israeli rights organisations argue that the law is the latest manifestation of an apartheid‑style legal framework that systematically privileges Jewish citizens while imposing severe penalties on Palestinians. They contend that such legislation entrenches a system of codified discrimination that has evolved since the state’s founding.Under the new rule, military tribunals in the occupied West Bank – which exclusively try Palestinians – will, by default, impose the death sentence on anyone found guilty of an unlawful killing of Israelis classified as terrorism. In contrast, Israeli citizens charged with comparable offences in the same territory are tried in civilian courts, where the death penalty is not applied.Statistics underscore the disparity: conviction rates for Palestinians in military courts hover at an astonishing 99.74%, whereas Israelis tried for crimes committed in the West Bank have a conviction rate of roughly 3% between 2005 and 2024. These figures highlight the stark imbalance in judicial outcomes.Arab‑Israeli lawmaker Aida Touma‑Suleiman of the Hadash party expressed her dismay, leaving the parliamentary chamber after the vote and stating she anticipated “scenes of happiness” from far‑right figures but was “painful” to see the public echo the same sentiment.The law follows a series of statutes that critics say have progressively eroded Palestinian rights, including the 1950 Absentees’ Property Law, the 2003 Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, and the 2018 Nation‑State Law, which enshrines Jewish supremacy in identity, settlement policy, and constitutional hierarchy while marginalising Arabic.Human‑rights advocate Yair Dvir of B’Tselem described Israel as an “apartheid regime,” noting that a “whole set of laws” differentiate between Jews and Palestinians and that the death‑penalty legislation is less an outlier than a logical extension of existing policies that deny Palestinians the right to life.Analysts argue that the dehumanisation of Palestinians has deepened to the point where capital punishment can be enacted with minimal dissent and even public celebration by parliamentarians.Physician‑rights activist Tirza Leibowitz of Physicians for Human Rights – Israel warned that the law exemplifies a broader pattern of violations, ranging from inhumane prison conditions to a legal system that often refuses to investigate crimes against Palestinians or actively shields abusive practices.She cited the unresolved deaths of more than 100 Palestinians in the West Bank since the October 2023 Gaza conflict, highlighting the case of 17‑year‑old Walid Ahmad, whose death by starvation in custody was ruled “undeterminable” by an Israeli judge, as evidence of the low value placed on Palestinian lives.Leibowitz also pointed to the recent dropping of charges against soldiers accused of sexual abuse at Sde Temain prison, noting that far‑right protesters, including lawmakers, rallied in support of the accused, further normalising systemic abuse.Touma‑Suleiman linked the new law to the 2018 Nation‑State legislation, recalling a confrontation with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in which he dismissed her criticism, insisting Israel remains “the Middle East’s only democracy.” She later observed that far‑right leader Itamar Ben‑Gvir has openly chanted “Death to Arabs,” rebranding it as “Death to terrorists,” thereby blurring the line between extremist rhetoric and state policy.Overall, the death‑penalty law is being portrayed by critics as a stark illustration of an entrenched apartheid system, raising serious questions about Israel’s adherence to international legal standards and the future of Palestinian rights under occupation.