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Several readers of The Guardian have voiced strong opinions that the classic British pub ought to be treated as an adult‑only environment. They contend that the interior of a pub, where alcohol is served in large quantities, is fundamentally a space for grown‑ups to relax, converse, and enjoy a drink without the added responsibility of supervising children. Diane Silva of Bournemouth, Dorset emphasizes that while a beer garden might accommodate a family‑friendly dining area during daylight hours, the indoor setting should remain reserved for adults. She likens the situation to adults avoiding children’s play areas such as McDonald’s ball pits or playground swings, noting that “it’s not our space.” Other contributors echo this sentiment. Penny McPhillips from Garstang, Lancashire recalls a past legal claim involving a theatre patron who slipped on ice, suggesting that entitlement among customers can lead to a broader abdication of responsibility, especially when tickets, drinks, or even school uniforms have been purchased. Nigel Linford of Eastbourne, East Sussex adds a cultural reference, quoting WC Fields: “Any man who hates dogs and children can’t be all bad,” to underline the notion that discomfort with children in certain public venues does not make one wholly unreasonable. The letters also mention pub landlord Egil Johansen, who, according to the writers, is not alone in feeling pressured by customer expectations that blur the line between family hospitality and adult leisure. Overall, the correspondence calls for a clearer distinction between indoor pub spaces—reserved for adult patrons—and outdoor areas that could safely host families, thereby preserving the traditional role of the pub as a “wind‑down” spot for adults.

Puka Nacua, the Los Angeles Rams’ standout wide receiver, entered a rehabilitation program months before a civil suit was filed against him, according to his legal counsel.Attorney Levi McCathern told The California Post that Nacua’s decision to seek treatment was not a reaction to the lawsuit, but an effort to "improve his overall behavior in every aspect of his life" and that he will remain in rehab for an extended period.The plaintiff, Madison Atiabi, alleges that during a New Year’s Eve dinner in Los Angeles last year, Nacua uttered a profane anti‑Jewish slur and subsequently bit her shoulder, leaving visible teeth marks. She also claims Nacua bit a friend’s thumb with enough force to cause acute pain.McCathern vehemently refutes the antisemitic accusation, describing the alleged bites as "horseplay" and citing multiple sober witnesses who assert that Nacua never made the offensive remarks attributed to him.In December, Nacua issued a public apology after a livestream gesture was criticized for echoing antisemitic tropes, further intensifying scrutiny of his conduct.On the field, the 24‑year‑old had a breakout season, leading the NFL with 129 receptions, 1,715 yards, and 10 touchdowns. He continued his dominance in the playoffs, topping the league with 24 catches for 332 yards and two touchdowns.With his contract set to expire this offseason, Nacura is eligible for an extension that could rank him among the highest‑paid receivers in NFL history, though the Rams have yet to announce any negotiations.

A Lebanese‑French visual artist, Ali Cherri, has lodged a formal complaint with the French war‑crimes unit in Paris, accusing Israel of committing a war crime after a 2024 airstrike on his family home in Beirut killed his parents and a domestic worker. The filing marks the first time a French court has taken up a case concerning Israel’s bombing of Lebanon and is an unusual move by an individual to pursue war‑crimes accountability. Israel has faced repeated accusations of violating international humanitarian law in Lebanon and Gaza, including attacks on civilians, medical facilities and forced displacement, yet no Israeli officials have been prosecuted to date. Cherri said, "Our demand is that an investigation is opened so that we know for a fact what happened, to name this attack as a war crime against civilians, and hopefully be able to name the people responsible." The apartment, built by his grandparents in central Beirut, was struck a few hours before a cease‑fire between Hezbollah and Israel took effect on 26 November 2024. The 13‑month conflict had already claimed roughly 4,000 Lebanese lives. The blast, which gave no prior evacuation warning, destroyed three floors, killing Cherri’s 86‑year‑old father Mahmoud Naib Cherri, 76‑year‑old mother Nadira Hayek, their employee Birki Negesa and four other civilians. In February, Amnesty International’s investigation concluded there was no military target at the time of the strike and urged that the incident be examined as a war crime. Forensic Architecture, a UK‑based investigative group that helped draft the complaint, produced a 3‑D reconstruction of the building and identified the munition as a GBU‑39 guided bomb – a 250 lb US‑made weapon frequently used by Israel in Lebanon and Gaza. The analysis underscored the targeted nature of the attack and, according to the group, demonstrated direct responsibility of the Israeli army. Amnesty International’s regional director for the Middle East and North Africa, Heba Morayef, called the French civil complaint “a rare opportunity” to hold Israel accountable in a European court, given the usual impunity. The case arrives amid renewed hostilities: on 2 March Hezbollah fired rockets at Israel, prompting an Israeli aerial campaign and ground invasion that has killed 1,318 people so far. Photographer Mohammed Shehab, who collaborated with Forensic Architecture on the Cherri investigation, was himself killed in an Israeli strike on 11 March, which also claimed his infant daughter’s life and wounded his wife – an incident the group described as “circumstances similar” to the Cherri bombing. While Cherri doubts any Israeli officials will face criminal charges, he insists that filing the suit is a moral duty to give a voice to victims who cannot pursue legal recourse themselves.

Israel has recently enacted a law that institutionalizes the execution of Palestinians convicted of fatal attacks. This move is seen as a new phase in Israel's dehumanization of Palestinians, expanding a legal system designed to target and oppress them.The law does not create a new reality but rather enshrines a longstanding policy of using lethal force against Palestinians into law. This reality is already normalized in Israel, where Palestinians have been systematically killed in Gaza and the West Bank, often with near-total impunity.In the months since October 2023, Israel has increased the number of Palestinians in detention to over 10,000, many without trial, and subjected them to conditions that amount to torture. More than 80 Palestinians have died in Israeli custody amid documented abuse and inhumane conditions.This law emerges under a political leadership that openly embraces violence and dehumanization, led by senior government ministers who have built their power on incitement and the normalization of harm against Palestinians. The legislation faces virtually no political opposition and hardly provokes public debate in Israel.Globally, democratic states have been moving away from the death penalty, recognizing it as a violation of fundamental human rights. However, Israel is not an exception but a central driver of the erosion of international law, maintaining systems of lethal violence and oppression against Palestinians.A state that institutionalizes the execution of one population under its control while subjecting them to systemic violence and discrimination is not democratic; it is a system of lethal control. What is happening to Palestinians is already reshaping political and moral boundaries beyond Palestine, including in the US.

When billionaire hedge‑fund manager Chris Rokos announced a £190 million contribution to the University of Cambridge, the move instantly became the largest single donation to any UK university in modern history. The funds will establish a new “school of government” aimed at bridging policy, science and emerging technologies. Rokos, a 55‑year‑old Oxford graduate, has amassed an estimated £2.6 billion fortune, primarily through his firm Rokos Capital Management (RCM), which he founded in 2015 after a high‑profile stint at Brevan Howard. RCM now oversees **over £22 billion** in assets, employs roughly 350 staff, and operates from offices in London, New York, Singapore and Abu Dhabi. In the most recent fiscal year ending March, Rokos paid himself nearly £500 million, according to Companies House filings, reflecting the firm’s strong performance amid volatile markets. Beyond finance, Rokos has kept a remarkably low public profile. He famously declined to provide a photograph when launching a £500 million fund in 2007, and he has avoided media attention despite owning one of England’s most expensive private residences. The £175 million refurbishment of the Grade I‑listed Tottenham House in Wiltshire – featuring a tennis pavilion, private cinema, basement squash court and a proposed “subterranean family link” to a pool house – has drawn local council scrutiny but stands as a tangible testament to his wealth. Rokos’s career trajectory began in banking at UBS and Goldman Sachs, moving to Credit Suisse where he was recruited by Alan Howard. He later joined the founding team of Brevan Howard in 2002, generating roughly $4 billion (≈£3 billion) in investor profits and about £600 million for himself before departing in 2012. His philanthropic philosophy emphasizes diversity of thought. In a video released by Cambridge, Rokos warned that a school populated only by “centrist, socially liberal” voices would be a failure, insisting on a broad spectrum of intellectual viewpoints. Earlier this year, RCM’s exploratory talks to bring former UK business secretary Peter Mandelson onto its advisory board collapsed after revelations about Mandelson’s connections to the late Jeffrey Epstein. Rokos also ranks among the UK’s biggest taxpayers and maintains a family office in Mayfair. A lingering legal dispute over a five‑year non‑compete clause with a former employer was settled out of court, clearing the way for his current venture. Overall, the record‑breaking Cambridge donation not only reshapes the university’s academic landscape but also underscores how hedge‑fund wealth is increasingly channeled into high‑impact philanthropy, blurring the lines between finance, education and public policy.

Ministers are rewriting planning rules to make it easier to approve intensive livestock farms, despite ongoing concerns about water pollution, air quality and local opposition.Freedom of Information documents obtained by the Guardian reveal that proposed changes to the National Planning Policy Framework (NPPF) have been discussed in response to lobbying by the country’s leading chicken producers for at least two years.The British Poultry Council (BPC) told farming minister Angela Eagle last autumn that “access to more growing space is the number one priority for the poultry meat sector.”In a submission to the government’s farm profitability review, the BPC argued that the need for a solution—whether through planning reform or land‑use policy—“dwarfs all other issues currently facing us.”Ahead of a January round‑table with Eagle, the BPC urged the government to “develop national planning direction and oversight for food production … to safeguard the UK’s long‑term food security.”Eagle responded that the government has “announced proposals to reform the planning system to more quickly unlock food and farming infrastructure,” emphasizing that “planning should enable ambition, not stifle it.”Her briefing notes directly linked the proposed changes to industry lobbying, describing planning reform as one of the sector’s “biggest asks” and noting that the Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs and the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government are working to “find solutions to planning barriers to poultry sheds and other infrastructure necessary for food production.”The draft NPPF includes several measures that could ease approval of new intensive livestock developments: a higher threshold for refusing applications on environmental grounds, reduced scope for local authorities to adopt tougher rules, greater weight given to “domestic food production,” and a new emphasis on “better accommodation for livestock.”The industry says it needs extra space to house chickens because of voluntary commitments to lower stocking density. Critics point out that these welfare commitments are not legally binding and that planning conditions do not guarantee long‑term compliance. Recent withdrawals by restaurant chains from the Better Chicken Commitment underscore the controversy.Richard Griffiths, chief executive of the BPC, said the reforms are needed to accommodate welfare improvements rather than to expand production, noting a voluntary reduction in stocking density from 38 kg to 30 kg per square metre.Griffiths warned that failing to support domestic production could increase imports, and the BPC has called for food production to be classified as “critical national infrastructure.”Prof. Paul Behrens of the University of Oxford countered that the food‑security case for intensive poultry is “illusory” because the sector depends on imported feed and vitamins and is vulnerable to disease outbreaks such as avian flu.Opposition to poultry megafarms is organised, with local residents raising concerns over water pollution, air quality and the climate crisis. The Environment Agency estimates agriculture accounts for roughly 70 % of nitrate and 25‑30 % of phosphorus pollution in UK waterways, and runoff from intensive poultry units contributes to that burden.Last year, Norfolk councillors rejected Cranswick’s plan for a 900,000‑bird chicken farm after the company failed to demonstrate that the development would not cause “significant adverse effects on protected sites.”The BPC has also urged early intervention by the Planning Inspectorate to minimise delays, arguing that centralised oversight would bring objectivity to a system where “naysayers, particularly via social media, have a disproportionate sway in the decision‑making process.”Campaign group Communities Against Factory Farming warned that the proposed regime “risks embedding decades of industrial livestock land use in rural and green‑belt locations without adequate scrutiny,” giving “substantial weight” to the economic benefits of intensification.A government spokesperson rejected claims that the NPPF proposals are driven by lobbying, stating that they have been carefully considered to balance sector support with broader priorities such as food security and environmental protection.

Irish MEP Barry Andrews toured makeshift shelters in Beirut last month, where displaced families are living on dirty mattresses and blankets and suffering from infections. The conditions, he said, are worse than during Israel’s 2024 incursion, underscoring the human cost of Israel’s retaliatory strikes after Hezbollah fired rockets into Israel.On returning to Dublin, Andrews became one of the first European lawmakers to urge the European Union to revive sanctions against Israel. He argued that the EU must also address state‑backed settler violence in the West Bank, attacks on health workers in Gaza, and Israel’s recent move to reinstate the death penalty for Palestinians convicted of terrorism.The EU’s leverage lies in its association agreement with Israel, a commerce and cooperation accord that underpins a €68 billion (€59 bn) trading relationship and includes cooperation on energy and scientific research. Former EU representative to the Palestinian territories, Sven Kühn von Burgsdorff, says the bloc should suspend this agreement, halt all military aid, and cease trade with illegal settlements, warning that inaction will further damage the EU’s reputation.Andrews described the EU’s reaction to the Iran‑Israel‑Lebanon war as “weak and pathetic,” adding that it effectively gives Israel a “permission slip for endless war crimes.” The European Commission condemned the Knesset’s death‑penalty vote as “very concerning” and a “clear step backwards,” while the Council of Europe called it a “legal anachronism” incompatible with modern human‑rights standards.Human‑rights figures note that in the past four weeks more than 1,240 people have been killed in Lebanon—including at least 124 children—and over 1.1 million have been displaced. In Gaza, the death toll has risen by 673 since the October ceasefire, bringing the total to 72,260 deaths.EU leaders have been divided on how to respond. Former Commission President Ursula von der Leyen proposed unprecedented sanctions last September, citing a “man‑made famine” in Gaza, but the proposal failed to secure a majority in the Council of Ministers, losing momentum after the U.S. announced a cease‑fire plan.Member states also differ: Ireland, Spain and Slovenia champion the Palestinian cause, whereas Germany, Austria and Hungary—led by Viktor Orbán, a close ally of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—have resisted measures such as sanctions on West Bank settlers.Despite these divisions, a senior EU diplomat warned in mid‑March that the bloc may need to “increase pressure on Israel again,” citing the “highly problematic” situation in Gaza and the West Bank. Another diplomat highlighted the importance of engaging with Israeli civil society, noting an open letter from 600 Israeli security officials urging an end to the Gaza war.In a recent statement, a Commission spokesperson reiterated that diplomatic engagement with Israel continues, describing it as the standard approach when partners “do not see developments eye to eye.” Yet former EU envoy Kühn von Burgsdorff cautioned that the EU cannot appear as a “sidekick” to an “erratic, unreliable” U.S. president or a “warmongering, annexationist” Israeli prime minister, as such a stance would undermine Europe’s global standing.

Washington, D.C. – In a historic session, the United States Supreme Court examined the Trump administration’s bid to curtail the long‑standing practice of granting citizenship to anyone born on American soil. The hearing drew a sizable crowd of civil‑rights and immigration advocates who decried the proposal as unconstitutional. Lawyers representing the administration argued that the 14th Amendment has been misread for over a century and that citizenship should be limited to children of parents who are legally domiciled in the United States. They contended that the phrase “subject to the jurisdiction thereof” permits the exclusion of infants born to undocumented or temporary‑status parents. Opposing counsel from the ACLU and other groups countered that the amendment’s language, reinforced by the 1898 United States v. Wong Kim Ark decision and the 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act, unequivocally guarantees citizenship regardless of parental status. “The rule was enshrined in the 14th Amendment to keep it out of reach of any official who might try to destroy it,” ACLU attorney Cecillia Wang said. The proceedings were underscored by President Donald Trump’s unprecedented presence in the courtroom, making him the first sitting president to attend Supreme Court oral arguments. Trump left the hearing abruptly, later posting on Truth Social that the United States is “the only country in the world stupid enough to allow ‘birthright’ citizenship.” Protesters such as 21‑year‑old Luis Villaguzman of LULAC expressed personal stakes, noting that the policy would strip benefits from pregnant immigrant mothers and jeopardize their children’s future. “This hits close to home,” he said. Justices probed the administration’s claims, with Justice Kentanji Brown Jackson asking, “Who is domiciled?” while Justice Samuel Alito highlighted the repeated references to “domicile” in the Wong Kim Ark opinion. Justice Brett Kavanaugh questioned why Congress had not clarified the citizenship scope in the 1952 statute, and Justice Amy Coney Barrett warned of the logistical chaos the order could create. Legal scholars warned that the executive order could affect roughly 255,000 infants annually, according to a joint analysis by the Migration Policy Institute and Penn State’s Population Research Institute, potentially creating a “self‑perpetuating, multigenerational underclass.” Outside the court, immigration advocates emphasized the broader implications: the measure could disenfranchise hundreds of thousands of children, many of Latino heritage, and compound the administration’s aggressive deportation agenda. The Court has not set a date for a final ruling, but the hearing offered a glimpse into the judicial scrutiny the case will face as the nation watches a potential reshaping of a core constitutional right.

Ben Jamal, director of the Palestine Solidarity Campaign, and Chris Nineham, vice‑chair of the Stop the War Coalition, were each convicted on Wednesday for breaching conditions set by the Metropolitan Police during a large‑scale pro‑Palestine rally on 18 January 2025. The court found they failed to keep the march within a police‑designated zone in central London and, in Jamal’s case, actively encouraged other demonstrators to do the same. The trial, held at Westminster Magistrates’ Court, concluded that both men were fully aware of the restrictions, given their leadership roles in planning the event. The judges noted that Jamal’s remarks amounted to “incitement” because they urged participants to disregard the stipulated boundaries, including the area surrounding the BBC headquarters on Portland Place. Supporters packed the public gallery, with former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn among those present as the verdict was read, according to the PA news agency. In response, the Palestine Solidarity Campaign described the ruling as a “disgraceful decision” and asserted that “the fight is not over.” The statement, posted on X, warned that the judgment undermines the fundamental right to protest. Human Rights Watch UK director Yasmine Ahmed condemned the outcome, calling it a “black mark on British democracy” and suggesting the verdict is part of a broader governmental effort to silence dissent against Israel’s actions in Gaza. The conviction arrives amid mounting tension between law‑enforcement agencies and the UK’s sizable Palestine solidarity movement. Since the conflict in Gaza escalated in October 2023, tens of thousands of Britons have taken to the streets, and thousands of peaceful demonstrators have been arrested for displaying slogans such as “I oppose genocide, I support Palestine Action.” Human Rights Watch’s research highlights a “disproportionate targeting” of pro‑Palestine activists, arguing that the current anti‑protest legislation threatens the ability to protest without fear of harassment. Activists are already gearing up for another large gathering scheduled for 11 April, when supporters of the direct‑action group Palestine Action plan to demonstrate again in London, despite recent arrests and ongoing legal pressure. Overall, the verdict underscores a growing debate over the balance between public order and civil liberties in the United Kingdom, with implications for future demonstrations linked to the Gaza war and broader international human‑rights concerns.