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For the first time, the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust (JRCT) is creating a dedicated reparations role, appointing Prof. Keon West—a Rhodes Scholar and author of The Science of Racism—to lead the effort. West, who also serves as a visiting professor at the London School of Economics and heads research at the Runnymede Trust, will begin his tenure later this month. The appointment arrives amid intensifying global calls for former colonial powers to confront historic injustices. West’s mandate is to map how enslavement, indentured labour and European imperialism fed the supply chains of Rowntree’s iconic brands such as KitKat, Fruit Pastilles and Smarties. Founded in 1904 when philanthropist Joseph Rowntree endowed the trust with profits from his chocolate and cocoa ventures, JRCT operates on Quaker principles aimed at tackling the roots of inequality. Recent research, spurred by the Black Lives Matter movement, uncovered that African and Asian workers were exploited in Rowntree’s production lines throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Historical investigations by the Rowntree Society revealed that, while the family never directly owned enslaved people, their businesses sold commodities produced by enslaved or unfree labour as far back as 1822. The company also benefitted from the indenture system, acquiring plantations in Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad in the 1890s to grow cocoa, bananas and other crops. Further links to colonial exploitation include purchases of cocoa from Portuguese‑controlled São Tomé and Príncipe, as well as commercial interests in Nigeria, Ghana and apartheid‑era South Africa. In the early 1980s, Black workers at the South African subsidiary Wilson Rowntree faced harsh labour suppression. In 2021, JRCT issued a public apology, stating it was “deeply sorry” for its historical connections to “abhorrent practices” and acknowledging the lasting impact of these actions on systemic racism today. West will design a comprehensive reparations programme that engages directly with affected communities—“Black people, brown people and people of colour”—to develop long‑term restorative justice strategies. He said, "I am honoured to accept this role. It offers the power and the responsibility to make real, meaningful changes in the lives of those who have been exploited." JRCT chief executive Nicola Purdy expressed enthusiasm, noting that the reparations initiative aligns with the trust’s charitable purpose of promoting peace, equality, human rights and climate action. Financially, JRCT allocated £13.5 million in grants in 2025, supporting organisations that advance its core missions. In 2023, it contributed £10,000 to an all‑party parliamentary group advocating for a formal UK apology for slavery and colonisation. The Rowntree family, alongside fellow Quaker dynasties Fry and Cadbury, were central to the British confectionery trade during the colonial era. Their brand was later acquired by Nestlé in 1988, but the trust’s new reparations focus underscores a broader reckoning with the historical foundations of the industry.

Recent weeks have been a test of resolve for Chelsea. A humiliating 3‑0 loss to Paris Saint‑Germain in the Champions League last‑16, coupled with a slide in the Premier League, has left the Blues scrambling for answers. Adding to the chaos, two of the squad’s most influential players have gone public. Argentine midfielder Enzo Fernández hinted at a summer move, saying, "I really like Madrid, it’s similar to Buenos Aires," while left‑back Marc Cucurella told The Athletic that the club is paying the price for its inexperience and that the PSG defeat has left the dressing‑room "discouraged". These remarks strike at the heart of Chelsea’s BlueCo‑era project, which has relied on signing young talent to build a sustainable future. Critics point out that, unlike Manchester United’s Class of ’92, Chelsea lacks seasoned veterans to mentor the newcomers. The debate resurfaced when Liam Rosenior was appointed head coach in January, with the club’s hierarchy insisting that a long‑term contract (six‑and‑a‑half years) will give him time to nurture the squad. Leadership dynamics are also under scrutiny. Fernández, who wears the captain’s armband in Reece James’s absence, publicly criticised goalkeeper Filip Jörgensen after a costly error against PSG – a move many view as inconsistent with the culture of a united dressing‑room. Financially, Chelsea has tried to balance ambition with prudence. Fernández’s contract runs until 2032 and is heavily incentive‑based, a strategy designed to keep the wage bill in check. Nonetheless, the club posted a **pre‑tax loss of £262.4 million** for the 2024‑25 season, the largest in English football history, raising questions about the sustainability of its recruitment model. There have been moments of optimism. Chelsea lifted the Club World Cup after beating PSG last summer, but the departure of former coach Enzo Maresca in early January – allegedly after talks with Manchester City figures – destabilised the squad. Players like Fernández and Cucurella recall the impact of that exit on team morale. Despite recent setbacks, the club remains confident in Rosenior’s vision, extending Cucurella’s deal last summer and securing long‑term contracts for key figures such as Reece James, Cole Palmer, and Moisés Caicedo. The Blues still have a realistic chance of qualifying for next season’s Champions League and host Port Vale in the FA Cup quarter‑finals. Looking ahead, sources suggest a possible shift in recruitment strategy, moving away from an exclusive focus on raw talent toward a blend of proven Premier League players and selective signings. While Fernández’s desire for a better contract could spark a transfer saga – with Madrid reportedly unwilling to meet a £100 million fee – the club must decide whether retaining a player whose ambitions no longer align with its project is worth the risk. In sum, Chelsea faces a pivotal moment: restore on‑field performance, manage a record financial loss, and convince both fans and players that the youth‑centred blueprint can deliver the trophies promised under the “trust the process” mantra.

New research by Cleanview and a subsequent confirmation from Google reveal that the tech giant is collaborating with Crusade Energy to develop a 933‑megawatt natural‑gas power plant in the sparsely populated Armstrong County of the Texas panhandle. The facility will serve the Goodnight AI‑focused datacenter campus, signaling a notable departure from Google’s long‑standing clean‑energy narrative.The plant, slated for off‑grid operation, is intended to power at least two buildings on the Goodnight site. Satellite imagery commissioned by Cleanview shows construction already under way, following a permit application filed in January.According to the 465‑page permit filing, the plant could emit as much as 4.5 million tons of carbon dioxide per year—roughly the same amount released annually by the entire city of San Francisco. This emission level underscores the environmental stakes of the project.Cleanview founder Michael Thomas described the venture as “one of the first direct investments in fossil‑fuel infrastructure” he has seen from Google, suggesting a strategic pivot away from the company’s historic climate leadership.When queried, Google spokesperson Chrissy Moy did not deny the partnership but clarified that “we don’t have a contract in place for the plant in Texas.” She noted that negotiations are ongoing and pointed to a separate wind‑farm partnership with Serena Energy in the region. Crusoe Energy declined to comment.The Texas project is Google’s third known involvement with gas‑fuel facilities in recent months. Earlier in October, the company announced an agreement to purchase power from a gas plant in Illinois, and documents obtained in May revealed exploratory talks on a large‑scale gas project in Nebraska.Despite the shift, Google maintains that natural gas does not conflict with its climate objectives. The firm argues it is moving from a strategy of buying carbon credits to one of “building the grid” to secure carbon‑free energy for its operations.At a recent energy conference in Houston, Google’s head of advanced energy, Michael Terrell, declined to elaborate on how natural gas aligns with the company’s sustainability roadmap.From carbon‑free promises to “climate moonshots”Google has long positioned itself as a climate leader, setting a 2020 goal to achieve net‑zero carbon emissions across all operations by 2030 and investing heavily in wind, solar, geothermal and nuclear projects. However, the rapid expansion of AI workloads has strained those commitments.The 2023 sustainability report noted that Google was no longer “maintaining operational carbon neutrality,” and a 2024 update reported a 48 % rise in greenhouse‑gas emissions since 2019, driven largely by datacenter energy demand.By 2025, the company reframed its emissions targets as “climate moonshots,” acknowledging the growing complexity of meeting its 2030 ambitions amid AI‑driven uncertainties.Google is not alone in this trend. Competitors such as Meta, Amazon and Microsoft have also turned to natural‑gas‑powered facilities to meet the soaring energy needs of their AI infrastructures, highlighting a broader industry tension between rapid AI deployment and climate pledges.Thomas of Cleanview summed up the situation: “The race to build AI is creating a new tension with climate goals that these hyperscalers have long championed.”

Former Labour adviser Polly Billington – who served under Gordon Brown – has urged Prime Minister Keir Starmer to organise a global energy summit of the scale and urgency that marked the UK’s 2008 financial‑crisis intervention. She argues that the fallout from the US‑Israeli war on Iran is creating an energy shock “as big as the financial crash”, demanding a response of equal magnitude. Billington warned that the economic pain from soaring energy prices is “hurtling down the tracks”, threatening living standards and providing fertile ground for extremist politics. She stresses that the price surge will be neither temporary nor confined to a single region. While she praised the government’s initiative to bring together 35 nations to discuss reopening the Strait of Hormuz, Billington insists that a broader, coordinated effort is required to stabilise energy markets, protect supply chains, and accelerate the transition away from fossil fuels. “We could be bringing together allies to agree emergency cooperation to stabilise energy markets, protect supply chains, coordinate strategic reserves, and accelerate the global transition away from fossil fuels,” she told The Guardian. “Energy security is inseparable from global security; otherwise we face a ‘Hunger Games’ world of resource conflict, scarcity and coercion.” Her call comes amid growing unease among Labour MPs who fear the government is under‑reacting to the domestic impact of the war. Rising petrol prices, higher energy bills and inflation are already prompting concerns about electoral repercussions. At a recent press conference, the Prime Minister announced that the Treasury is drafting targeted support for households most affected by energy costs, should the conflict persist. Yet opposition parties are pushing divergent solutions: Reform UK and the Conservatives advocate increased domestic drilling, the Liberal Democrats propose a 10p fuel‑duty cut and VAT relief for electric‑vehicle charging, while the Greens call for universal energy‑bill support. The Scottish National Party demanded an emergency parliamentary recall, accusing the government of “sleepwalking into a crisis”. Billington argues that a true “war‑footing” approach must focus on reducing Britain’s reliance on fossil fuels. She praises the Treasury’s decision to avoid a blanket bailout, suggesting instead that households install plug‑in solar panels on balconies and gardens – likening them to Anderson shelters in the Second World War – to bolster collective resilience and lower bills. She adds that no policy option should be dismissed as “too radical”, urging the government to consider all measures that could cut exposure to gas and oil. Another Labour MP echoed the sentiment, stating that merely highlighting bill reductions is insufficient when headlines indicate that prices are set to rise sharply due to the Iran conflict. “I want to hear a concrete Labour plan,” he said. On Thursday, Liberal Democrat leader Ed Davey branded the rising fuel costs a “Trump‑Farage‑Badenoch tax”, calling for immediate action to mitigate the economic fallout of the war and keep Britain moving.

The Premier League title race may be all but over, but the battle for European places is heating up, with as many as 13 teams still in contention. The Champions League and Europa League have expanded, and the introduction of the Conference League has added another layer of complexity to the qualification process.Currently, just seven points separate Liverpool in fifth place and Bournemouth in 13th, making it the smallest gap between fifth and 13th at the start of April since the 1992-93 season. This close competition means that several teams have a realistic chance of qualifying for Europe.Nine English teams played in Europe this season, with six in the Champions League, two in the Europa League, and one in the Conference League. The Premier League is likely to earn at least one extra Champions League spot due to its teams' strong performance in Europe. Arsenal and Liverpool are still in the Champions League, while Nottingham Forest and Aston Villa are in the Europa League, and Crystal Palace is in the Conference League.Champions League QualificationThe Premier League is all but certain to earn one of the two extra Champions League spots available for leagues whose teams perform best in Europe. There is also a possibility of two more Champions League spots for English clubs if Liverpool and Aston Villa win their respective European competitions and finish outside the top five.Europa League QualificationThere are at least two spots for English teams in the Europa League. If the top five Premier League sides qualify for the Champions League, the team that finishes sixth and the FA Cup winners will be in the Europa League. However, if a top-six team wins the FA Cup, the spot will go to the next-highest ranked team in the Premier League.Conference League QualificationManchester City earned a place in the Conference League by winning the League Cup, but will finish in the top six, so their spot passes down to the highest-placed team that have not already qualified for Europe. Depending on the FA Cup winner and European results, the team that finishes eighth, ninth, or 10th in the Premier League could qualify for the Conference League.Eleven English Teams Could Play in EuropeIn a highly unlikely scenario, 11 English teams could play in Europe next season if Liverpool, Aston Villa, and Crystal Palace win their respective European competitions while finishing outside the top five or six. This would result in seven teams in the Champions League, three in the Europa League, and one in the Conference League.Realistic ExpectationsMore realistically, five English teams will qualify for the Champions League, and a Europa League spot will go to the team finishing seventh due to a top-six team winning the FA Cup. This would mean the teams finishing in the top eight in the Premier League qualify for Europe.

The Champions Cup’s single‑leg knockout stage has historically favoured hosts – only two of the 24 matches since the format’s introduction three years ago have seen the home side lose. This weekend’s fixtures threaten to upend that trend.Defending champions Bordeaux Bègles have been quoted at 1‑100 odds to defeat a severely weakened Leicester Tigers on Sunday – a price more suited to a two‑horse race. The Tigers will be without key internationals Ollie Chessum, Joe Heyes and Nicky Smith, all ruled out for the match.Coach Geoff Parling has elected to rest his forward trio to preserve a top‑four finish in the domestic league, a decision that underscores the growing difficulty English clubs face in juggling league ambitions with European knockout demands.Parling’s dilemma echoes a similar scenario a year ago when Saracens rested their stars and suffered a crushing 72‑point defeat to Toulon. Alongside Saracens, Harlequins, Leicester and Sale collectively conceded 215 points and exited the competition without a whisper of a fight. Only Bath Rugby has managed to maintain sufficient squad depth to compete on both fronts.The competition’s structure is locked in until 2030, with a 2028 twist that will see the eight quarter‑finalists face seven Super Rugby Pacific teams and one Japanese side, aiming to crown a true world club champion every four years. Yet the packed calendar – culminating in the 2027 World Cup and the 2028 Six Nations – raises serious questions about player availability.“I just don’t know how you fit everything in,” Parling admitted. “The game is very physical now. We all want the best versus the best, but it is what it is.”Knockout success now demands back‑to‑back weekend victories. For example, if Northampton Saints overcome Castres on Friday night, they will face a fully‑strengthened Bath the following week, unless Saracens can engineer a dramatic turnaround after their recent 62‑15 Premiership loss at the Rec.Other clubs face similar uphill battles: Harlequins could earn a Dublin trip after beating Sale, only to recall their heavy 62‑0 defeat to Leinster in April; Bristol might pull off a miracle in Toulouse but would likely meet Bordeaux in the last eight.South African provinces are gathering momentum, with the Stormers and Bulls arguably better placed to silence home crowds in Glasgow and Toulon than earlier in the season. Stormers coach John Dobson quipped, “What will it take us to win? Venus to align with Uranus and Saturn.”Meanwhile, Glasgow Warriors have become notoriously difficult to beat at Scotstoun. If any of the traditional powerhouses – Northampton, Bath, Toulon, Glasgow, Toulouse, Harlequins, Bordeaux or Leinster – fail to reach the quarter‑finals, their conquerors will have defied the odds.

Acclaimed filmmaker Danny Boyle is set to unleash a sprawling, one‑off pop‑culture spectacle at London’s Southbank Centre on 3 May 2026. Titled “You Are Here”, the event will weave together 75 years of British youth movements—from teddy boys and punk to rave and Brit‑pop—across the venue’s historic spaces. Marking the 75th anniversary of the Royal Festival Hall’s 1951 opening, the production anticipates 1,000 performers and more than 10,000 attendees. Boyle, who directed the iconic 2012 Olympic opening ceremony, describes the show as an antidote to the “hi‑tech curation” that dominates modern life, likening today’s media overload to “5,000 channels with everything on”. The immersive experience will unfold in five distinct beats, each spotlighting underground music scenes, sub‑cultural fashion, activism and spoken‑word performance. Poets, MCs and rappers will narrate stories that are then translated by choirs and dancers, creating a “kaleidoscopic narrative” that moves audiences from a high‑energy Northern Soul floor to a communal house‑party atmosphere. Boyle emphasizes that the event is deliberately free of celebrity headliners, allowing the chaos of the performance itself to become the focal point. He calls the Southbank a “gargantuan labyrinth of opportunity” and urges young people to seize the chance to experience culture beyond the “aquarium of indifference” offered by on‑demand streaming and food delivery services. Organisers stress that the show is not a traditional pageant or seated theatre; instead, the entire Southbank site becomes a living stage, inviting visitors of all ages to wander, engage, and reflect on Britain’s evolving identity. Tickets for “You Are Here” go on sale now at southbankcentre.co.uk. The event promises to be a landmark moment for London’s cultural calendar, blending history, music, fashion and activism into a single, chaotic celebration.

Britain is confronting the most severe energy shock since the early 1970s, as exports of oil, gas and fertiliser from the Middle East have abruptly stopped. The government says a response plan exists, but details remain vague. It is unclear whether the UK is better prepared for the fallout from Donald Trump’s war with Iran than it was for the pandemic six years ago. Ministers are sending a "we have your back" message to the public while simultaneously signalling to financial markets that any assistance will be limited and targeted. Contingency planning is especially difficult when dealing with an unpredictable leader like Trump. Britain’s heavy reliance on imported energy and food means that reassurance can only hold for a short time. The economy entered the conflict already on shaky ground: unemployment rose steadily throughout 2025 and growth stalled to a virtual standstill in the final quarter of that year. The sudden loss of Middle‑East energy and fertiliser supplies now adds a colossal supply shock. Last year, Trump’s “liberation day” tariff hikes served as a dry run for a far more serious confrontation. This time, the war is taking place in a region that is both volatile and crucial to the global economy. In the past two weeks, the repercussions have been felt across Asia – the Philippines declared a state of emergency, Sri Lanka introduced a four‑day work week, and South Korea announced budget measures to help households cope with soaring energy bills. The continent is the most dependent on Gulf‑exported energy, making the impact there the sharpest. The International Monetary Fund warned that the shock will drive higher prices and slower growth worldwide. Shortages push fuel and food prices up, eroding disposable income, prompting businesses to cut staff, and increasing the risk of recession. The UK, already projected to be one of the poorest‑performing major economies in 2026, could see its fresh graduate cohort face a brutal job market. Trump’s claim that the war could end within two or three weeks appears desperate. Even a rapid cease‑fire would leave substantial collateral damage, creating a stagflation scenario that could hurt Republican prospects in the upcoming mid‑term elections. British officials hope a swift resolution will limit economic damage, allowing a short‑term inflation spike to subside and the Bank of England to resume interest‑rate cuts. Treasury plans include scrapping the planned autumn fuel‑duty rise and providing targeted help for the poorest households, though the path is unlikely to be that simple. Currently, the Treasury is hesitant to act boldly for fear of unsettling bond markets. History – the 2008 banking collapse and the 2020 pandemic – shows that governments can act decisively without triggering a market backlash, using tools such as aggressive rate cuts, increased borrowing, and quantitative easing. The Bank of England has warned of a "substantial negative supply shock" and is expected to soften markets for future rate cuts, which are inevitable. Finance Minister Rachel Reeves could mitigate labour‑market pain by reversing recent increases in employers’ National Insurance contributions, subsidising public transport, and even lowering speed limits to conserve energy. The war, like the pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, underscores the fragility of global supply chains and the need for greater British self‑reliance. Investing heavily in renewable energy is essential, but the UK also imports roughly 40% of its food and has not run a manufacturing trade surplus since 1982. In a world of disrupted supply lines, a robust plan for economic self‑sufficiency is more urgent than ever. Larry Elliott is a Guardian columnist.

The UK government is set to implement disability benefit cuts affecting nearly 730,000 severely ill and disabled people, reducing their universal credit support by half. The 'health element' of universal credit will be cut to £50 per week and then frozen, unless claimants meet strict criteria for being terminally ill or having a 'severe' and 'lifelong' condition. Charities and disabled people's organizations warn that this change will push people into deep financial hardship and, in some cases, destitution. They fear that families losing out on this vital income could face eviction, go without food and heating, and lose access to the care they depend on. The cut applies to new claimants, meaning that if someone applies for help next Monday, they will be on average £3,000 a year worse off by the end of the decade than if they'd applied this week. This has raised concerns about the fairness and effectiveness of the current welfare system. Critics argue that the government's approach to welfare reform is flawed, as it fails to account for the complexities of disability and illness. They suggest that a more comprehensive approach is needed, including investing in mental health services and preventive healthcare, to address the root causes of disability and support those in need.