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A federal judge has dismissed 10 out of 13 claims made by Blake Lively against director Justin Baldoni, including allegations of sexual harassment, conspiracy, and defamation. The lawsuit, which centers around the filming of 'It Ends With Us,' a domestic abuse drama where Lively and Baldoni starred as characters with intimate scenes, will proceed to trial next month on claims of a retaliatory campaign against Lively.Baldoni's lawyer, Bryan Freedman, described the defendants as 'very good people who have not engaged in this sexual harassment as alleged.' He expressed satisfaction with the court's ruling, stating it confirms what his legal team believed from the start.The judge's 152-page opinion emphasized that Lively's claims must be viewed in the context of the film's production, noting that creative artists need space to experiment within scripted scenes without fear of liability for sexual harassment. The court also determined Lively was working as an independent contractor, not an employee, which impacted her ability to bring sexual harassment claims.Lively's attorney, Mike Gottlieb, responded that the ruling was based on 'legal technicalities' and not an endorsement of the defendants' conduct. A trial is scheduled for May 18.

The 2026 County Championship kicked off on Good Friday, 3 April – the earliest start in the tournament’s 140‑year history. Surrey’s captain Rory Burns was run out just ten minutes into the day’s play at Edgbaston, setting a new record for the competition’s earliest dismissal. Despite a modest crowd of around 800 spectators and roughly 4,000 viewers on YouTube, the match featured a heavyweight lineup: nine current England Test players were named in the Division One clash, underscoring the Championship’s status as the premier development arena for the national side. Surrey’s top six have all earned England caps, fueling expectations that the club could secure a fourth title in five seasons. Yet the opening session was anything but smooth. Burns fell early, followed by Jamie Smith, who managed only nine runs before being dismissed. A sharp edge from Ethan Bamber and an lbw to Ollie Pope (20) further rattled the home side. Dom Sibley provided a glimmer of resistance with an unbeaten 21 off 81 balls, but the team slumped to a precarious 65 for six. The turning point arrived when Ben Foakes and fast‑bowling all‑rounder Tom Lawes combined for a 155‑run partnership – a Surrey club record for the seventh wicket. Foakes, a seasoned England fringe player, smashed a commanding 128 runs, while Lawes contributed a career‑best 83 off 121 balls, stabilising the innings and shifting momentum. Chris Woakes and medium‑fast seamer Ethan Bamber added valuable overs, but it was the Foakes‑Lawes stand that propelled Surrey to a total of 328 all out, setting a competitive target for Warwickshire. While the season’s early start may raise logistical questions, the match demonstrated why the County Championship remains the crucible for England’s future stars, blending veteran internationals with emerging talent in a fiercely contested opening day.

Roy Hodgson's return to management with Bristol City got off to a winning start with a hard-fought victory over Charlton. The 78-year-old, who first managed in 1982, oversaw a thrilling second half that saw both teams create numerous late chances. The match began with Emil Riis Jakobsen having a chance to open the scoring within three minutes, but he failed to capitalize. Hodgson was ecstatic when Max Bird set up Scott Twine to score the opening goal. Charlton equalized through Lyndon Dykes after a throw-in down their right side. Hodgson was visibly upset, questioning the throw-in decision. Scott Twine's free-kick proved decisive, as it led to Noah Eile scoring the winning goal from a tight angle. Bristol City could have extended their lead through Riis Jakobsen and Twine, while Charlton's substitutes Matt Godden and Tyreece Campbell also missed chances. Hodgson's victory comes 44 years after his first managerial stint. He emphasized the importance of humility in coaching, advising against getting too proud of wins. His interim role at Bristol City will last for six games before he steps down.

In Barcelona, anti‑tourism demonstrators have added a culinary twist to their demands, chanting “Stop brunch!” alongside the more familiar “Ban Airbnb” as they protest soaring rents and the loss of local character.The rise of generic brunch venues—identical hipster cafés with the same menu, décor and background music—has become a symbol of overtourism, pushing out neighbourhood bars and eateries that once served the resident community.In response, Albert Molins, a journalist for La Vanguardia, launched a simple Google Maps list in autumn 2020. The list quickly evolved into a city‑wide movement to resurrect the Catalan tradition of esmorzar de forquilla (literally “fork breakfast”).This hearty mid‑morning meal, historically a 19th‑century labourer’s fuel, typically includes a main dish, wine, bread and coffee, and can be enjoyed for under €15. It is now served in modest, no‑frills taverns that showcase authentic Catalan flavours.Signature dishes differ sharply from the typical brunch fare. Patrons can savour trinxat—a pan‑fried potato and cabbage hash topped with crisp pancetta—fricandó (stewed veal with mushrooms), bacallà amb samfaina (fried cod on stewed vegetables), and the richly spiced botifarra sausage. For off‑al lovers, options such as callos (tripe stew), peus de porc (pigs’ feet) and the indulgent cap i pota (veal head and feet stew) are on offer.The original map has since been redeveloped into the functional EsmorzApp, uniting a growing community of “fork‑breakfast enthusiasts” and attracting younger diners alongside long‑time local patrons.Restaurant owner Gerard Llopart notes that his establishment in Barcelona’s Eixample district now welcomes a broader, more diverse crowd, proving that the revival resonates beyond its traditional base.While the movement does not single‑handedly solve overtourism, it demonstrates how locals can reclaim cultural space and invite tourists to partake in genuine culinary heritage. As Molins puts it, the fork breakfast is “our history,” and visitors are encouraged to download the app and ask for un cap i pota, si us plau?

A devastating stabbing attack at a nursery school in Kampala, Uganda's capital, has claimed the lives of four children. The incident occurred at the Ggaba Early Childhood Development Program school in Makindye Division.According to the Ugandan police, a 34-year-old male suspect brutally stabbed and killed the children with a sharp object. The victims included one girl and three boys.The attacker gained access to the school by disguising himself as a parent and initially engaged with the administrator in charge. He then locked the gate and began attacking the children one by one.A security guard from a nearby church intervened and stopped the suspect. The police have apprehended the attacker, but the motive behind the killings is still under investigation.The incident has sent shockwaves through the community, with parents weeping and an angry crowd gathering near the school. Police fired into the air to disperse the crowd and prevent a lynch mob from forming.This kind of attack is rare in Kampala, a city of roughly three million people. The police and local authorities are working to investigate the incident and provide support to the affected families.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

A magnitude 7.4 earthquake erupted in the Northern Molucca Sea off the coast of Ternate, Indonesia, resulting in at least one fatality and an initial tsunami alert that was later rescinded.The United States Geological Survey (USGS) clarified that the tremor, first reported as magnitude 7.8, actually occurred at a depth of 35 km, deeper than the early estimate of 10 km. Apart from the confirmed death, no other immediate injuries were reported.The quake’s epicentre lay roughly 120 km (75 mi) from Ternate in the North Maluku province, prompting local authorities in Ternate and nearby Tidore to ready evacuation plans. Metro TV broadcast footage of damaged structures across the area.In Manado, North Sulawesi, a building collapse buried a resident, leading to the sole confirmed death; a rescue official added that another person sustained a leg injury.The Hawaii‑based Pacific Tsunami Warning Center (PTWC) warned of potentially hazardous waves within a 1,000‑km radius, affecting coastlines of Indonesia, the Philippines and Malaysia.Within thirty minutes, Indonesia’s BMKG agency recorded wave heights of up to 75 cm in North Minahasa and 20 cm in Bitung, both on Sulawesi’s northern shore, with an additional 30 cm rise in North Maluku.Just over two hours after the event, the PTWC lifted the tsunami warning, declaring that the threat had passed.Indonesia’s position on the Pacific Ring of Fire makes it especially vulnerable to such seismic activity, underscoring the importance of rapid monitoring and public‑safety measures.

Recent weeks have been a test of resolve for Chelsea. A humiliating 3‑0 loss to Paris Saint‑Germain in the Champions League last‑16, coupled with a slide in the Premier League, has left the Blues scrambling for answers. Adding to the chaos, two of the squad’s most influential players have gone public. Argentine midfielder Enzo Fernández hinted at a summer move, saying, "I really like Madrid, it’s similar to Buenos Aires," while left‑back Marc Cucurella told The Athletic that the club is paying the price for its inexperience and that the PSG defeat has left the dressing‑room "discouraged". These remarks strike at the heart of Chelsea’s BlueCo‑era project, which has relied on signing young talent to build a sustainable future. Critics point out that, unlike Manchester United’s Class of ’92, Chelsea lacks seasoned veterans to mentor the newcomers. The debate resurfaced when Liam Rosenior was appointed head coach in January, with the club’s hierarchy insisting that a long‑term contract (six‑and‑a‑half years) will give him time to nurture the squad. Leadership dynamics are also under scrutiny. Fernández, who wears the captain’s armband in Reece James’s absence, publicly criticised goalkeeper Filip Jörgensen after a costly error against PSG – a move many view as inconsistent with the culture of a united dressing‑room. Financially, Chelsea has tried to balance ambition with prudence. Fernández’s contract runs until 2032 and is heavily incentive‑based, a strategy designed to keep the wage bill in check. Nonetheless, the club posted a **pre‑tax loss of £262.4 million** for the 2024‑25 season, the largest in English football history, raising questions about the sustainability of its recruitment model. There have been moments of optimism. Chelsea lifted the Club World Cup after beating PSG last summer, but the departure of former coach Enzo Maresca in early January – allegedly after talks with Manchester City figures – destabilised the squad. Players like Fernández and Cucurella recall the impact of that exit on team morale. Despite recent setbacks, the club remains confident in Rosenior’s vision, extending Cucurella’s deal last summer and securing long‑term contracts for key figures such as Reece James, Cole Palmer, and Moisés Caicedo. The Blues still have a realistic chance of qualifying for next season’s Champions League and host Port Vale in the FA Cup quarter‑finals. Looking ahead, sources suggest a possible shift in recruitment strategy, moving away from an exclusive focus on raw talent toward a blend of proven Premier League players and selective signings. While Fernández’s desire for a better contract could spark a transfer saga – with Madrid reportedly unwilling to meet a £100 million fee – the club must decide whether retaining a player whose ambitions no longer align with its project is worth the risk. In sum, Chelsea faces a pivotal moment: restore on‑field performance, manage a record financial loss, and convince both fans and players that the youth‑centred blueprint can deliver the trophies promised under the “trust the process” mantra.

President Donald Trump's recent primetime address on the war with Iran has sparked widespread bewilderment and criticism. The speech, which lasted 19 minutes, was marked by slurred words and stumbling syntax. Trump vaguely stated that the US is 'on track to complete all of America's military objectives shortly,' but failed to provide a clear endgame or sense of direction.During the address, Trump vowed to continue bombing Iran to 'bring them back to the stone ages,' where he claimed they belonged. This statement has been widely criticized, with commentators describing it as a threat of war crimes. Chris Hayes of MSNBC called the speech a 'litany of lies he's told before,' while Robert Malley, a former lead negotiator for the nuclear deal, wrote that Trump's threat to send Iranians 'back to the stone ages' was a cavalier threat of war crimes.The speech has been criticized for lacking a clear endgame or sense of direction. Ian Bremmer, the founder and president of the Eurasia Group, called the address '19 minutes of a rambling, unmoored and unserious commander in chief.' Joseph Cirincione, a veteran arms control negotiator, accused Trump of lying about the 2015 nuclear deal, which Trump abandoned in 2018.The war with Iran has now raged for a month, and the absence of defined goals in Trump's speech has been highlighted by critics. Brian Finucane of the Crisis Group and a former state department legal adviser on military operations noted that the speech merely regurgitated prior social media posts, raising questions about Trump's war aims.