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An international conference in Berlin has yielded pledges of over £1 billion to support Sudan, a country devastated by three years of conflict. The funding, which exceeds the initial target of $1 billion (£740 million) set by German ministers, aims to alleviate the world's largest humanitarian crisis.The financial commitments will help address a chronic humanitarian funding shortfall in Sudan, where two-thirds of the population, or 34 million people, require assistance. The crisis has been exacerbated by ongoing conflict between the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the army.UN Secretary-General António Guterres urged international delegates to take action, highlighting 'credible allegations of the gravest international crimes' and the need for an immediate cessation of hostilities. He emphasized that 'funding alone cannot substitute for peace.'The UK Foreign Secretary, Yvette Cooper, called for a concerted international effort to stop the flow of arms into Sudan, while the US emphasized its commitment to a humanitarian truce that would allow aid to reach those in need.Despite the funding pledges, the prospect of peace remains distant, with scant progress reported on ceasefire talks and neither of Sudan's warring parties attending the conference.

Negotiations between Washington and Tehran are expected to resume in Islamabad within days, placing President Donald Trump under intense pressure to deliver an Iran accord that can be credibly billed as superior to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) brokered by former President Barack Obama. Two tests dominate the diplomatic calculus: the deal must demonstrably exceed the Obama agreement, and it must ensure that Iran derives no lasting strategic advantage, particularly over the vital Strait of Hormuz. While direct comparisons with the 159‑page JCPOA are imperfect—given the evolution of Iran’s nuclear program and the emergence of non‑nuclear concerns—the Trump team is framing its objectives around four pivotal issues. 1. Enrichment suspension: In Geneva on 26 February, the U.S. demanded a 10‑year freeze on all domestic uranium enrichment, a figure Iran’s foreign minister deemed unrealistic beyond three years. In Islamabad, the U.S. escalated the ask to a 20‑year suspension, yet Trump publicly dismissed even that, insisting on a permanent ban. The practical timeline for Iran to restart enrichment after the damage to its facilities remains uncertain. 2. Highly enriched uranium (HEU) stockpile: The original JCPOA capped uranium enrichment at 3.65% and limited the stockpile to 300 kg. Iran now holds 440.9 kg of 60%‑enriched uranium—a material that can be rapidly converted to weapons‑grade (90%)—mostly stored as UF₆ gas in scuba‑tank‑sized canisters. Tehran offered to down‑blend this stockpile to 3.67% in an irreversible process, mirroring the 2015 deal’s provisions. The U.S., however, is pressing for the entire stockpile to be removed from Iran under American supervision, a stance that raises questions about the relative merits of in‑country down‑blending versus export. 3. Sanctions relief: The JCPOA promised the release of roughly $100 billion in frozen Iranian assets and the lifting of oil trade restrictions, while retaining sanctions on terrorism, human rights, and missile proliferation. In the Geneva framework, over 80% of sanctions would be lifted, leaving only human‑rights‑related measures. Trump’s administration, wary of political backlash, seeks to attach conditions on how Iran can spend the relief, a demand Tehran rejects, insisting on a permanent, irreversible lifting of sanctions. 4. Non‑nuclear issues: Trump has repeatedly criticized the JCPOA for isolating Iran’s nuclear program from its broader regional behavior. The current negotiations must grapple with Iran’s ballistic‑missile program, support for proxy forces, and the strategic future of the Strait of Hormuz. Iranian officials are divided: one camp favors leveraging the strait for immediate revenue and national pride, while another views it as a diplomatic lever to secure a lasting ceasefire and security guarantees. The confluence of these challenges creates a “marshmallow test” for both sides—whether they can forgo short‑term temptations in favor of a durable, long‑term settlement. As the Trump presidency approaches its final year, the ability to craft a deal that convincingly outperforms the Obama era while addressing the expanded nuclear and geopolitical landscape will determine the legacy of U.S. policy on Iran and its impact on regional stability.

A recent court of appeal decision suggesting it's impossible to determine which identical twin fathered a child has sparked controversy among genetics experts. Prof Michael Krawczak from Kiel University, Germany, argues that this is not the case. According to Krawczak, the germ cells of monozygotic twins differ with sufficient probability and to a sufficient degree to allow their respective children to be clearly assigned to either of them using molecular genetic techniques.Krawczak and his colleagues first proposed this approach in 2012 and demonstrated its practical feasibility in 2018. While the required molecular genetic testing is costly, currently in the five-figure range, Krawczak questions whether these costs would be a significant enough barrier to preclude genetic testing, given the potential consequences of inaction for those involved.The court's assertion that it was "not possible" to determine paternity in such cases is therefore disputed. Krawczak's comments highlight the potential for genetic testing to resolve paternity disputes in cases involving monozygotic twins, offering a solution to a complex and sensitive issue.

A recent set of studies has brought to light a concerning issue in social science research: up to half of all results published in reputable journals cannot be replicated by independent analysis. This problem is part of a broader challenge affecting various research fields, most notably social sciences and psychology, though concerns have also been raised in areas of biomedical research. The latest work, part of a seven-year project called Systematizing Confidence in Open Research and Evidence (Score), analyzed 3,900 social science papers. It found that newer papers and those published in journals requiring extensive sharing of underlying data were more likely to be reproduced. Additionally, medical research faces its own set of constraints, such as differing patient caseloads and limited sample sizes, which can make it resemble social sciences more than laboratory physics. Policymakers should be cautious of claims that don’t have a wide and robust base of evidence. The issue of reproducibility is crucial, as it looks at whether results can be recreated from the same data and methods, while replication tests whether the finding holds for new data in different contexts. However, politicians have increasingly looked to turn uncertainty into denial and recast normal scientific uncertainty as evidence of failure. Large-scale verification projects, like those undertaken by Score, are few and far between. Most academic researchers prioritize work that is more likely to enhance their careers. AI may help in deciding what to test, but it can’t reduce the costs and time involved in duplicating a piece of research. Not every failed replication signals a crisis; some findings don’t matter much, and replication studies can themselves be flawed. Greater transparency makes outright fraud more difficult and allows errors to be identified. Some argue that research “ultimately autocorrects,” but the long-term solution — shifting incentives so existing results are tested — would increase confidence. This requires restructuring of research culture and funding. For now, it remains largely notional. These studies should strengthen the case for change and serve as a warning. Social science is a powerful tool for understanding the world – and that trust will be built by acknowledging uncertainty, not repudiating it.

UK officials have entered exclusive talks with a Norwegian startup, Blastr, to buy the former Liberty Steel works in South Yorkshire, in a significant step towards its rescue. Blastr, owned by Vanir Green Industries, a Norwegian investor in renewable industries, is understood to be the bidder preferred by the government’s official receiver to take on ownership of the UK’s largest existing electric arc furnace in Rotherham and other works in Stocksbridge, both in South Yorkshire.The business, formally named Speciality Steel UK (SSUK), has been under the official receiver’s control since August, after the previous owner Sanjeev Gupta lost ownership in London’s high court. Finding a new buyer would remove a headache for the government, which also a year ago took control of the Chinese-owned British Steel blast furnaces in Scunthorpe, Lincolnshire.Blastr is run by Mark Bula, who has worked for and run large steel businesses in India and the US. The company does not yet operate any steel plants, although it is developing a site in Finland to use green hydrogen to produce iron and steel. It is likely to have to secure financing to take on the SSUK sites in South Yorkshire, but it would allow them to progress rapidly.Union officials welcomed the news after employees were informed. Charlotte Brumpton-Childs, a former steelworker and a national secretary of the GMB union, said Liberty Steel workers “have been at the sharp end of years of uncertainty at this point – this needs to be a deal that secures the long-term future of steelmaking in South Yorkshire”. She added: “Any sale of SSUK must include due diligence which guarantees ongoing operations and stability of the sites.”

Ron Timehin's photograph, taken at Labadi, a popular tourist resort in Accra, Ghana, offers a unique glimpse into the lives of the local community. The image features five Ghanaians, a ruined farm building, and an elegant horse, which adds a touch of majesty to the scene. Timehin aimed to capture the community's daily life, traditions, and cultural heritage in a collaborative way, allowing the subjects to present themselves as they wanted to be seen. The photograph showcases the community's pride and resilience, highlighting their strong sense of identity and connection to their heritage. The community, centered on fishing, is known for its strong sense of unity and mutual support. Timehin was drawn to the way they look after each other and take pride in their community. The photograph also features a Ghanaian flag, symbolizing national pride and cultural identity. Timehin's project began when he was approached by a charity called My Runway Group, which organizes cultural exchange programs. The project allowed him to document the community and share some culture between the UK and Ghana. His work has been shortlisted for the Sony World Photography Awards 2026, and an exhibition of his images will be held at Somerset House in London.

Sheffield Wednesday's prospective new owners, Arise Capital Partners, are engaged in discussions with the EFL to potentially ease the club's transfer ban this summer. The ban, which prevents the club from paying for new players until January 2027, was a consequence of multiple late payment of wages under the previous ownership of Dejphon Chansiri.The club will begin next season in League One with a -15 point deduction, as the purchase price of £18m by Arise does not meet the EFL's requirement to repay creditors 25p in the pound upon exiting administration.Although the EFL is firm on the points deduction, they have indicated a possible flexibility on the transfer fee embargo. This would enable Arise to build a competitive squad if their takeover is approved. The club currently has seven players under contract at the end of the season, with most of Henrik Pedersen's squad, who are free agents, expected to leave.To secure approval for the takeover, Arise must agree to an EFL business plan with strict limits on spending and wage bills. However, the American private equity company is hopeful of being allowed to pay some transfer fees. Previously, Wednesday had a three-window transfer embargo but were granted special dispensation to register players, including the signing of Marvelous Nakamba from Luton in January.Arise, comprising David and Michael Storch and Tom Costin, aims for their takeover to be approved before the final game of the Championship season on 2 May. The Independent Football Regulator will take over the EFL's owners and directors' test on 5 May, which could cause further delays.

Cricket Australia (CA) has yet to secure the backing of two pivotal state bodies for its proposal to sell minority stakes in Big Bash League (BBL) franchises, casting doubt on the timeline for a major private‑investment push.Cricket NSW chief executive Lee Germon publicly rejected the plan on Wednesday, confirming that the Sydney Thunder and Sydney Sixers will not participate in any valuation process overseen by CA.CA chief executive Todd Greenberg responded that the consultation with states is ongoing and that the organisation remains “open to discussing any questions or concerns” while emphasizing a “respectful and collaborative” approach.The Australian body aims to emulate the UK’s The Hundred model, where the England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB) auctioned franchises last year for £520 million (≈ $1 billion). CA’s proposal would allow up to 49% of each state‑run BBL team to be sold, with potential valuations of as much as $200 million per club, potentially generating a half‑billion‑dollar windfall.Proceeds would be split between an immediate cash injection to the state associations and ongoing annual payments, while a portion would seed a future development fund for Australian cricket.Germon warned that external investors could introduce goals misaligned with the existing cricket ecosystem, describing the current system as “working very effectively and very well now.” He highlighted risks of “external investors who will not have aligned goals with the states or Cricket Australia.”Meanwhile, Cricket Queensland chief executive Terry Svenson said no final decision has been made, noting the board is awaiting further clarification from CA on several points before reaching a verdict.Facing pushback, Cricket NSW is exploring an alternative financing strategy that sidesteps equity sales. The plan focuses on boosting revenue through ticket yields, attendance, commercial sponsorships, and wagering partnerships, aiming to fund the BBL’s growth without relinquishing club ownership.When asked about the increasing reliance on gambling revenue, Germon acknowledged that wagering is already part of cricket’s commercial mix and that its role will be reassessed as part of the broader funding discussion.CA’s ambition arrives amid rising competition from emerging T20 leagues in South Africa and the United Arab Emirates, which are vying for players and audience attention during Australia’s traditional summer window.

Lidl and Iceland Foods have become the inaugural retailers to see their advertisements prohibited under the United Kingdom’s newly‑introduced junk‑food advertising rules, the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA) confirmed on Wednesday.The ASA has been overseeing the ban that bars television ads for high‑fat, salt and sugar (HFSS) items before 9 p.m. and prohibits any online promotion of such products at any hour, a regime that took effect on 5 January 2026.In Lidl’s case, the ASA found that an Instagram post created by popular influencer Emma Kearney ("Baby Emzo") for Lidl Northern Ireland showcased a tray of pain suisse – a French pastry filled with vanilla cream and chocolate chips. A complainant argued the product was “less healthy” and breached the HFSS criteria. Lidl defended the content as a “brand‑led” advertisement, noting that the new rules allow brand promotion provided no identifiable junk‑food item appears, but the ASA concluded the post did indeed highlight a prohibited product.For Iceland, the breach involved a digital display and banner ad on the Daily Mail website promoting confectionery such as Swizzels Sweet Treats, Chupa Chups Laces, Choose Disco Stix and Haribo Elf Surprises. These sweets fail the nutrient‑profiling model used to classify HFSS foods, meaning they cannot be advertised under the current legislation.The HFSS framework classifies foods high in fat, salt or sugar as “less healthy” and bars their promotion across broadcast and digital channels. This move is part of the UK government’s broader strategy to curb rising childhood obesity rates by limiting children’s exposure to unhealthy food marketing.Iceland acknowledged that, while it requests nutrient‑profile data from all suppliers, there are “gaps” in the information received. To address this, the retailer has contracted a data‑service provider to compile monthly nutritional data for every product on its website, aiming to flag any items that fall under the HFSS definition before they appear in advertising.After reviewing the complaints, the ASA upheld the objections and ordered both supermarkets to ensure future digital marketing does not feature products that violate the junk‑food ad rules. The rulings signal a stricter regulatory environment for retailers and advertisers, urging a shift toward healthier product promotion and more robust data‑management practices.