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Four months after Australia introduced its under‑16 social‑media ban, Sydney teenager Noah Jones says his online experience has been largely unchanged – he has not been removed from any platform.Jones recounts a brief hiccup on Instagram that he quickly resolved, and notes a friend who temporarily lost access to Snapchat but managed to circumvent it. "That’s pretty much my whole experience of the ban," he says.Despite his personal continuity, Jones is now a plaintiff in a High Court challenge mounted by the Digital Freedom Project, which argues the ban infringes the implied constitutional right to political communication.The eSafety Commissioner, Julie Inman‑Grant, recently disclosed that more than 5 million accounts have been deactivated since the policy’s rollout, yet over two‑thirds of teenagers remain active on the ten targeted platforms – Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat, TikTok, YouTube, X, Twitch, Kick, Threads and Reddit. Young users are reportedly bypassing facial‑age estimation tools, especially when they are within two years of turning 16.Further eSafety findings reveal that 66 % of parents say platforms did not request age verification, and when ages of 14 or 15 were detected, platforms often prompted users to undergo facial‑recognition checks and simply adjust the displayed age rather than enforce deactivation.Communications Minister Anika Wells has urged the commissioner to "throw the book at" non‑compliant services, noting that fines could reach up to $49.5 million per breach in federal court. However, any penalties are likely to be considered only after the High Court decides the law’s validity.Wells also pledged new legislation imposing a digital duty of care on platforms, obliging them to take reasonable steps to prevent harm. The bill is slated for parliamentary debate later this year.The Digital Freedom Project, led by NSW Libertarian MP John Ruddick, contends that banning under‑16s from holding accounts effectively silences their participation in political discourse, as logged‑out viewing does not permit meaningful engagement.Legal scholars are divided. Prof. Sarah Joseph of Griffith University warns that an ineffective law could breach the implied freedom of political communication, while Monash University’s Prof. Luke Beck argues that the law’s purpose is to compel platforms to enforce age restrictions, not to achieve 100 % compliance.Beck points out that most legislation is not perfectly effective – citing murder laws and age‑restricted media – and that courts typically assess whether a law is a proportionate means to a legitimate aim.The government acknowledges that the age limit imposes a burden on political communication but maintains the measure is justified to mitigate risks from algorithmic recommendation systems, endless feeds, and other features that can amplify harm.Jones will turn 16 in August, at which point the ban would no longer apply to him. His mother, Renee Jones, says she faced online backlash for opposing the ban, with some critics even suggesting her children be taken away."It’s my right to choose how I raise my children in a digital world," she asserts, emphasizing strict household rules: no devices in bedrooms, phones locked at night, and shared passwords for parental oversight.Jones acknowledges the downsides of social media – bullying and explicit content – but stresses that his generation relies on these platforms for news and forming opinions, more so than traditional media.Both Jones and his mother argue the legislation was rushed and is failing to address the core concerns about harmful content, leaving many teens, like Noah, to navigate the digital landscape largely unchanged despite the ban.

Protesters in Ireland and Norway have escalated demonstrations against rising fuel costs, turning major highways into blockades and prompting a convoy of lorries to converge on Oslo’s parliament. The unrest is linked to the broader spike in oil prices triggered by the conflict in the Middle East. In Dublin, hauliers, farmers and other groups have shut down motorways for the fourth consecutive day, causing fuel shortages, traffic chaos and warnings that essential supplies—food, clean water and animal feed—are at risk. The Irish police force, An Garda Síochána, described the blockades as unlawful and warned that continued defiance could lead to arrests. The Irish government has placed the army on standby to clear the obstructions, while the justice minister accused outside actors, including far‑right figures such as Tommy Robinson, of exploiting the protests for political gain. Fuel prices have surged dramatically: Irish diesel has risen from roughly €1.70 per litre to €2.17, and petrol from about €1.74 to €1.97. In Norway, despite a recent fuel‑tax cut on 1 April, diesel prices jumped 23.6 % from February to March, with overall fuel and lubricants up 17.9 %. Statistics Norway noted this as the steepest month‑on‑month increase on record, comparable only to the post‑Ukraine‑invasion spike of spring 2022. Irish Prime Minister Mícheál Martin warned that blockades of the Whitegate refinery and key depots in Galway and Foynes were pushing the country to the brink of turning away oil shipments. He called the situation “unconscionable and “illogical.” In response, Dublin unveiled a €250 million relief package that includes a temporary excise duty cut, an expanded diesel rebate for hauliers and bus operators, and an extended fuel allowance. Nevertheless, industry leaders remain skeptical about the measures’ ability to quell the unrest, and many protesters demand direct talks with ministers. Across the North Sea, Norwegian demonstrators—part of the “Dieselbrølet” (diesel roar) movement—marched a convoy of 70‑80 trucks toward the Storting. Their banners read “nok er nok!” (enough is enough). While only a few vehicles were permitted into Oslo, the show underscored hauliers’ demand for more predictable, lower fuel prices despite Norway’s status as an oil producer. Other nations have taken emergency steps: the Philippines declared a national energy emergency, and France authorized fuel tankers to operate on weekends and holidays until 11 May to stave off shortages. Back in Ireland, the blockade of the sole refinery and depots has left dozens of petrol stations empty, prompting a rush of motorists to fill up before supplies run out. Emergency services report slower response times, and the Irish Medical Organisation warns that delayed care could jeopardise patient health. Courier firm DPD has halted deliveries, and protesters have vowed to remain in Dublin for weeks, with spokesperson John Dallon stating, “If it takes a month, we are prepared to sit here.” The crisis has also forced the Irish Taoiseach to postpone a trade mission to Canada, highlighting the domestic political fallout of the fuel‑price turmoil.

Amid escalating tensions in the Middle East, the Asian Football Confederation (AFC) has postponed the draw for the 2027 men’s Asian Cup, originally scheduled for Riyadh, and is exploring contingency plans. Australia has been urged to submit an emergency hosting bid to ensure the tournament proceeds as planned.The competition, set to kick off on 7 January 2027 and run for four weeks, will feature 24 national teams, including the Socceroos, across venues in Riyadh, Jeddah and Khobar. With the draw delayed and the Saudi venue’s security under question, AFC officials are weighing alternative locations.Former Australian international Craig Foster argues that the nation is uniquely positioned to step in on short notice. He highlights the success of the 2015 men’s Asian Cup and the recent Women’s Asian Cup hosted in Australia, noting that the country demonstrated both logistical capability and fan engagement.“Hosting the tournament would be a vital diplomatic gesture at a time when Australia’s reputation in the Middle East has suffered,” Foster said, adding that the event could deliver a significant economic uplift for the hospitality industry as teams and supporters flock to Australian cities.Data from the 2015 edition show that 15,000 overseas visitors generated more than half of the tournament’s $81 million direct spend. By contrast, the federal and state contributions to the women’s Asian Cup exceeded $20 million, underscoring the financial stakes involved.The Australian government has indicated willingness to collaborate with Football Australia, stating that any investment in international sport would be considered through regular budget processes. Foster has called on sport minister Anika Wells to endorse an emergency hosting proposal.Football Australia emphasizes that AFC tournaments have become “some of the most significant events in the global football calendar,” delivering “substantial economic, diplomatic, social, and health value for Australia.” Continued support from all government levels, they argue, is essential to maintain the country’s status as a premier host nation.Saudi Arabia, which secured hosting rights in 2023 and will later stage the 2034 FIFA World Cup, now faces uncertainty as its venues sit within striking distance of ongoing regional hostilities, including recent Iranian counter‑attacks near the under‑construction Aramco Stadium in Khobar.

A group of US Democrats has strongly condemned Israel's intensifying attacks on Lebanon, warning that the escalation threatens to undermine the fragile ceasefire between the US and Iran. The attacks, which have killed at least 303 people in Lebanon, have sparked concerns that the ceasefire may not hold if Israel continues its aggression.Congress members, including centrist and progressive Democrats, have urged President Donald Trump to take action to rein in his ally, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and ensure that the ceasefire applies to Lebanon. They argue that Netanyahu's actions are not aligned with US interests and risk drawing America into a broader regional war.Pakistan, which mediated the ceasefire, had explicitly stated that the truce applies to Lebanon. However, Israel and the US have contradicted this account, with Trump and his aides denying that Lebanon is part of the deal. This has sparked concerns about the viability of the ceasefire and the potential for further conflict in the region.Democrats on the House Foreign Affairs Committee have slammed the US response, saying that such a misunderstanding during high-stakes negotiations would be a sign of incompetence. They are calling on Trump to pressure Israel to stop its attacks on Lebanon and ensure that the ceasefire holds.

Andy Jassy used his 2026 shareholder letter as a platform to signal a multi‑front offensive against the likes of Nvidia, Intel and SpaceX’s Starlink, while laying out a $200 billion capital‑expenditure roadmap that could reshape Amazon’s hardware ambitions.Jassy’s Letter Paints a Bold AI Chip VisionThe CEO framed the narrative as a “new shift” in AI compute, positioning Amazon’s home‑grown Trainium chips as the price‑performance alternative to Nvidia’s dominance. He also highlighted the Graviton CPU’s penetration among the top cloud customers and hinted at future ventures in robotics and satellite broadband (Amazon Leo).Revenue Projections and Chip Capacity NumbersTrainium3 capacity: nearly sold out ahead of launch.Trainium4 capacity: nearly sold out despite being 18 months away.Current Trainium ARR: $20 billion annually.Potential ARR if sold externally: $50 billion.Nvidia 2023 revenue: $215.9 billion.Graviton usage: 98% of the top 1,000 EC2 customers run on it.Two customers requested “all” Graviton capacity for 2026.2026 capex pledge: $200 billion, primarily AWS data centers.Strategic Ripples Across Cloud, CPU, and Satellite MarketsAWS can leverage Trainium to negotiate better pricing with AI‑heavy workloads, challenging Nvidia’s pricing power.Graviton’s market share pressures Intel’s x86 dominance in enterprise cloud environments.Amazon Leo’s early contracts with Delta, AT&T;, Vodafone, NBN and NASA signal a credible challenge to Starlink in the broadband‑satellite arena.Potential robotics spin‑off could monetize data from >1 million warehouse robots, opening a new industrial‑solutions revenue stream.What’s Next for Amazon’s Hardware Ambitions?Expect accelerated rollout of Trainium4 in late 2027, with Amazon courting external chip customers to close the $50 billion ARR gap.Graviton’s dominance may prompt Intel to accelerate its own custom silicon roadmap or pursue strategic partnerships.Amazon Leo’s mid‑2026 launch could force Starlink to lower prices or expand coverage to retain enterprise contracts.Robotics offerings may emerge as a niche SaaS product by 2028, leveraging the massive data lake from warehouse operations.Continued $200 billion capex spending will likely keep AWS as the world’s largest cloud infrastructure provider, but execution risk remains amid a volatile AI‑chip market.

Afan Cizmic, a 14-year-old ball boy, has been hailed as a hero in Bosnia and Herzegovina for his quick thinking during a crucial FIFA World Cup 2026 qualifier playoff final against Italy.On March 31, Cizmic was deployed at the Bilino Polje Stadium in Zenica when he noticed Italian goalkeeper Gianluigi Donnarumma reading from a piece of paper tucked behind a towel. Realising it contained information on Bosnian penalty takers, Cizmic took the note and ran away from the goal.When the penalty shootout got under way, Donnarumma failed to save any of the four penalties he faced, and his teammates missed three of theirs, handing Bosnia a place in the global showpiece.Whether Cizmic's little trick played a role in the final scoreline remains unknown, but the teenage boy is being hailed as a hero in Bosnia, with fans urging the national team to take him along to the World Cup.Cizmic has been called on to football shows, interviewed by international media, and photographed at the venue where Bosnia created history by ensuring Italy became the only former champions to miss their third World Cup in a row.Recalling the moment he saw the paper, Cizmic says that he hesitated at first but ultimately decided to act on his instinct. "I saw where he left the paper and that he was reading from it. I thought about whether I should take it or not. Then I said, 'Whatever happens, happens,' and I took it," he told Turkish news agency Anadolu.While Donnarumma did not see Cizmic walk away, the Italian goalkeeper was left fuming when he could not find the paper and attempted to snatch his opposite number's penalty shootout notes in a tit-for-tat move.Cizmic believes Donnarumma's frustration confirmed his ploy had an impact on the game. "I was happy because I saw he got angry and lost concentration," he said.In the hours and days after Bosnia's win, Cizmic's act led to social media debates as well as national news. Despite mixed reactions on social media, he dismissed criticism, saying any fan would have done the same."If we were playing in Italy, someone would have done it to our goalkeeper, Nikola Vasilj, too," he said.The now-famous ball boy proudly carries the note, enclosed in a plastic cover, as a memorabilia item and takes it along for media appearances. He also announced that the paper will be auctioned, with all proceeds going to charity.Cizmic, who is a youth footballer with local club Celik Zenica, dreams of wearing the Bosnian national team jersey one day.His father, Emir Cizmic, said he was proud of his son, emphasising that ball boys are not just spectators but can affect the rhythm and outcome of matches.

Event details: The heavyweight showdown between Tyson Fury and Arslanbek Makhmudov is scheduled for Saturday, 11 April 2026. The main card will tip‑off at 19:00 GMT, with the headline bout slated for just after 22:00 GMT at the Tottenham Hotspur Stadium in London. The fight will be streamed live on Netflix, while Al Jazeera will provide a text‑based live commentary starting at 18:00 GMT. Fury, the 37‑year‑old former two‑time world champion, returns after a 15‑month hiatus following consecutive defeats to Oleksandr Usyk. His professional record stands at 34‑2‑1 with 24 knockouts, and he towers at 206 cm (6 ft 9 in) with a 216 cm reach. Makhmudov, a 36‑year‑old Dagestani‑born Canadian resident, holds a 21‑2‑0 record, 19 of those wins by KO, measures 198 cm (6 ft 6 in) and has a 194 cm reach. The bout is billed as a 12‑round heavyweight clash, offering Fury a chance to rebuild his résumé and potentially earn a high‑profile encounter with fellow Briton Anthony Joshua. Makhmudov, however, is far from a tune‑up opponent; 90 % of his victories have come by knockout, and he has demonstrated power against seasoned fighters such as Dave Allen and Carlos Takam. Fury’s perspective: In a recent BBC interview, the “Gypsy King” said he feels “as good as I’ve ever felt” and is “as sharp as I’ve ever been,” emphasizing the need to be at peak form to survive Makhmudov’s single‑punch knockout power. He added that a win would pave the way for a long‑desired showdown with Joshua. Makhmudov’s outlook: The Dagestani fighter described Fury as a “legend” and expressed confidence in his ability to win, noting that the contest will test both mental and spiritual strengths. He hinted at a philosophical edge, saying, “It’s a war between mind and spirit – Inshallah the spirit wins.” Beyond the headline fight, the co‑main event will feature Conor Benn versus Regis Prograis** at 21:30 GMT, marking Benn’s first bout under Zuffa Boxing after parting ways with Matchroom. The British heavyweight title will be defended by Jeamie Tshikeva against Richard Riakporhe**, while Frazer Clarke meets Justis Huni** in a heavyweight clash. Preliminary action includes middleweight, light‑welterweight and flyweight contests, rounding out a full card designed to keep fans engaged throughout the evening. Personal drama adds intrigue: Fury’s father, “Big John” Fury, who has been a vocal presence in his son’s career, is reportedly absent after a recent fallout, though Tyson downplays the impact, stating that the crowd’s composition is irrelevant to his focus. Overall, the London event promises a high‑stakes narrative – a veteran champion seeking redemption, a rising knockout artist eager to cement his status, and a potential pathway to a blockbuster British heavyweight showdown later in the year.

Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

At a Wednesday briefing, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt framed the ongoing US‑Israel war against Iran as a "test" that NATO failed, hinting that President Donald Trump is weighing a possible withdrawal from the alliance. She quoted the president saying the partnership had turned its back on the American people over the past six weeks. Shortly thereafter, Trump met with NATO Secretary‑General Mark Rutte at the White House. Both described the discussion as "frank and open," with Rutte acknowledging logistical support and base access from allies, but noting the absence of direct military contributions. During a CNN interview, host Jake Tapper asked Rutte whether the president intended to pull the United States out of NATO or at least reduce its backing. Rutte admitted there was disappointment, yet emphasized he had listened carefully to Trump’s arguments and praised the president’s leadership. Since assuming office in 2025, Trump has intensified pressure on NATO members to raise defence spending. At the 2025 NATO summit, members agreed to a non‑binding target of 5 % of GDP by 2035. Spain’s request for an exemption sparked a year‑long public denouncement by Trump. Earlier, Trump threatened to seize the Danish territory of Greenland, claiming its strategic value, though the United States has since softened that stance. Nevertheless, he continues to argue that US control of Greenland is essential, despite opposition from local residents and European leaders. The Wall Street Journal reported that the administration is evaluating the closure of U.S. bases or the redeployment of troops from countries such as Spain and Germany as retaliation for their limited engagement in the Iran conflict. When pressed about a potential NATO exit, Leavitt confirmed that the president "has discussed" the option and may address it after his meeting with Rutte. The president’s relationship with Rutte remains close; the Dutch leader has visited the White House multiple times during Trump’s second term. Rutte warned that NATO "will not work" without U.S. support, underscoring the strategic stakes of any American pull‑back. The unfolding debate highlights a deepening rift between Washington and its European partners at a time when the broader geopolitical landscape is already destabilised by the Iran war.