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Modern combat has been reshaped by the Russia‑Ukraine war, the Gaza clashes, India‑Pakistan skirmishes and the recent US‑Israel strikes on Iran, driving an unprecedented global appetite for drones, missiles and sophisticated air‑defence systems. Turkey, a leading military power in the Middle East, is positioning itself as a key supplier in this booming market. At the heart of Turkey’s push is Roketsan, a firm founded in 1988 to equip the Turkish Armed Forces. Today the company exports to roughly 50 nations and is counted among the fastest‑growing defence enterprises worldwide. Bypassing Western embargoes has been a catalyst for this growth. After the United States imposed CAATSA sanctions in 2020 and removed Turkey from the F‑35 programme, Ankara was forced to develop an indigenous defence ecosystem. The result is a network of nearly 4,000 small and medium‑sized enterprises that now supplies over 90 % of the components used in Turkish weapons. Financially, the strategy is paying off. In 2025 Turkish defence exports reached $10 billion. Roketsan’s General Manager Murat Ikinci told Al Jazeera the firm sits at 71st place among global defence firms and is targeting a climb into the top 50, then top 20, and ultimately the top 10 by the end of the decade. To fuel this ambition, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan inaugurated a suite of new facilities last week, including: Europe’s largest warhead production plant. A new R&D centre employing 1,000 engineers. The “Kirikkale” complex dedicated to rocket‑fuel research. Infrastructure for mass‑producing ballistic and cruise missiles. The construction represents a $1 billion outlay, with an additional $2 billion earmarked for scaling up production capacity. Roketsan’s R&D engine—the third‑largest in Turkey with 3,200 engineers—draws heavily on lessons from ongoing wars. The Ukraine conflict highlighted the effectiveness of cheap FPV and AI‑guided kamikaze drones, prompting Roketsan to field systems such as the ALKA and BURC air‑defences and the laser‑guided CIRIT missile. Recent US‑Israel operations against Iran have underscored the threat posed by low‑cost Iranian‑designed Shahed drones, now upgraded with Russian “Kometa‑B” anti‑jamming modules. These swarms have overwhelmed regional defences and even struck a British base in Cyprus in March 2026, while NATO intercepted three Iranian ballistic missiles that entered Turkish airspace. In response, Roketsan is advancing the “Tayfun” (Typhoon) missile family. The flagship Tayfun Block 4 is a hypersonic ballistic missile designed to pierce advanced air‑defence layers at extreme speeds. When pressed for specifics, Ikinci declined to disclose the exact range, noting only that it is “sufficient.” Strategically, Turkey is shifting away from Western dependence toward an “Eastern” partnership model. Roketsan now offers joint production and technology‑development agreements, establishing co‑located facilities and R&D centres across the Middle East, Far East and Europe. Qatar has been cited as a flagship example of this collaborative approach. Roketsan has identified five priority product lines to meet rising global demand: Long‑range ballistic and cruise missiles. Advanced air‑defence systems, including “Steel Dome”, Hisar‑A, Hisar‑O and Siper. Submarine‑launched cruise missiles leveraging the AKYA system. Smart micro‑munitions for armed drones. Long‑range air‑to‑air missiles, a capability highlighted by the recent India‑Pakistan clash. The timing is critical. Ongoing conflicts have depleted the stockpiles of high‑end air‑defence assets worldwide. During the US‑Israel‑Iran confrontation, the United States relied heavily on Patriot and THAAD systems, raising concerns that interceptor inventories could run low. Gulf states, which have logged over 1,000 drone sightings in their airspace, are actively seeking alternative solutions—an opening that Turkey’s self‑sufficient supply chain is poised to fill. Analysts warn that even major powers like the United States will need years to rebuild their air‑defence inventories due to the complexity of production. Turkey’s claim of near‑complete domestic manufacturing positions it as a ready supplier for nations eager to diversify away from traditional Western sources. As demand for missiles and drones surges, Roketsan is reinvesting its revenues into expanding production infrastructure, aiming to cement its place among the world’s elite defence exporters.

The US House of Representatives has rejected a resolution aimed at limiting President Donald Trump's power to wage war with Iran. The vote, which took place on Thursday, resulted in 213 votes in favor and 214 against the resolution, highlighting the deep divisions within Congress on the issue.The narrow margin underscores the intense debate over Trump's military actions in Iran and the role of Congress in authorizing war. The resolution's defeat comes a day after a similar measure failed in the US Senate, with Republicans largely opposing efforts to constrain Trump's military authority.Democrats have accused Republicans of giving unchecked power to Trump, who has been engaged in a military conflict with Iran since February 28. The war has resulted in significant human and economic costs, including the loss of servicemembers' lives and soaring gas prices.Under the US Constitution, only Congress has the authority to declare war, although presidents may conduct military actions in instances of immediate self-defense. The Trump administration has maintained that Iran's actions since the 1979 Iranian Revolution constitute such a threat, while critics argue that the US and Israeli attack on Iran was unprovoked and violated international law.The failed resolution reflects the ongoing struggle between Congress and the executive branch over the power to wage war. Democrats have argued that Congress must assert its authority to prevent an unchecked expansion of presidential power, while Republicans have largely supported Trump's military actions in Iran.Ceasefire negotiations between the US and Iran are ongoing, with both sides signaling a willingness to engage in further talks. However, significant issues remain unresolved, including control of the Strait of Hormuz and the future of Iran's nuclear program.

Cuban President Miguel Diaz-Canel has declared that his country is prepared to fight if necessary, despite not seeking conflict with the United States. This statement comes as Cuba marks the 65th anniversary of its socialist revolutionary character, amid heightened tensions with the US.Diaz-Canel's defiant remarks were made before a crowd commemorating Fidel Castro's declaration of the socialist nature of the Cuban Revolution and the failed Bay of Pigs invasion by US-aligned forces. He emphasized Cuba's readiness to confront serious threats, including military aggression, stating, 'We do not want it, but it is our duty to prepare to avoid it and, if it becomes inevitable, to defeat it.'The US, under President Donald Trump, has been increasing pressure on Cuba, threatening the island nation's government and tightening energy restrictions. Trump has suggested that the US could overthrow the Cuban government, following the US-Israel conflict with Iran. These actions have contributed to fuel shortages and energy blackouts in Cuba, straining workers and businesses.Cuba's economy has long suffered from a US economic embargo, economic mismanagement, and political repression, prompting many Cubans to leave the country. A United Nations vote in 2025 saw 165 countries demand an end to the US embargo, with only seven countries, including the US, Israel, Argentina, and Hungary, voting against.Diaz-Canel has strongly defended Cuba, stating, 'Cuba is not a failed state. Cuba is a besieged state,' facing multidimensional aggression through economic warfare and an intensified blockade.

Beirut, Lebanon – In late March, authorities abandoned a proposed shelter for war‑displaced residents in the Karantina neighbourhood after a wave of public protest.Opponents, including local politicians and community activists, cited practical concerns such as traffic congestion near the port and health risks. However, the core of the backlash was sectarian: many Christian residents invoked demographic fears, chanting slogans reminiscent of the 1975‑1990 Lebanese Civil War to block housing for the predominantly Shia‑Muslim displaced population.The controversy resurfaced painful memories of the 1976 Karantina massacre, when right‑wing Phalangist forces expelled and killed thousands of Muslims. Historian Diala Lteif, researching the district’s history, estimates the death toll at 1,000‑3,000. She warned that the current rhetoric mirrors the “foundational logic” of that tragedy – a drive to segregate neighbourhoods.Israel’s intensified campaign against Lebanon has already forced the displacement of approximately 1.2 million people. The war, reignited on March 2 after Hezbollah’s retaliatory rocket fire, has seen Israeli troops and air strikes devastate southern towns and parts of Beirut, heightening fears that hosting displaced families could draw further attacks.Amid these tensions, a 10‑day ceasefire is slated to begin, yet many Lebanese worry the violence could spiral into renewed communal conflict or even a civil war.Experts note that the association of displaced Shia communities with Hezbollah fuels anxiety. Lara Deeb, an anthropologist at Scripps College, explained that Lebanon’s sectarian political system blurs the line between a religious group and a political party, amplifying mistrust across the board.While the cancelled site remains unused, another displacement centre operated by the Lebanese charity Offre Joie continues to function in Karantina. It currently shelters about 1,000 displaced families from the south, the Bekaa Valley, and Beirut’s southern suburbs.Volunteer Marie Daou described the centre’s conditions as comparatively decent, with reliable hot water and regular meals. Security forces monitor the residents’ identities, and no occupants have left despite more than 40 days of conflict.One resident, 30‑year‑old Nadine, fled her home in Burj al‑Barajneh on March 2. She now lives with five siblings at the centre, saying, “For now, we’re staying here. You can’t go back because there is danger, but nowhere is safe. We will endure.”The episode highlights how historic sectarian wounds intersect with today’s geopolitical crisis, shaping public policy and community responses in a Lebanon already strained by war and displacement.

A Senate vote on Wednesday failed to block a proposed sale of military bulldozers to Israel, with the measure losing 40‑59. Only seven Democrats crossed party lines to side with the Republican majority, underscoring a notable, though limited, shift in congressional sentiment.Progressive Senator Bernie Sanders introduced the bill amid mounting outrage over Israel’s use of bulldozers to raze villages in Gaza and Lebanon—actions described by rights groups as ethnic cleansing. While the resolution did not pass, 36 Democratic senators also backed a separate effort to stop 1,000‑lb bombs from reaching Israel, more than double the support such measures received last year.Advocacy organizations seized on the vote as a historic moment. Hassan el‑Tayyab of the Friends Committee on National Legislation said the tally shows a majority of Senate Democrats now oppose unconditional aid, aligning with broader American opinion. A recent Pew Research Center poll found 60 % of U.S. adults hold unfavorable views of Israel, with even higher negativity among voters under 50.Republican senators remained uniformly opposed. Senator Rick Scott accused the Democratic supporters of siding with terrorism, arguing that the blocked sales would have helped allies confront threats. The partisan divide highlights the political risk for Republicans who break with former President Donald Trump on Israel policy.Prominent lobbying groups also weighed in. The pro‑Israel lobby AIPAC warned that curbing arms sales would jeopardize Israel’s security, while liberal Zionist organization J Street welcomed the growing willingness to question unconditional assistance. Jewish Voice for Peace’s political director Beth Miller called the vote an "inflection point," suggesting it reveals "massive cracks" in the long‑standing U.S.–Israel alliance.Within the Democratic caucus, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer faced criticism for voting against the resolution, prompting calls from progressive lawmakers like Rep. Ro Khanna for his resignation. Demonstrators outside Schumer’s and Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand’s offices demanded they support the bill, reflecting intensified grassroots pressure.The episode signals a potential realignment in U.S. foreign‑policy calculations. As public fatigue with the Gaza war, the Lebanon conflict, and the stalled Iran confrontation grows, lawmakers appear increasingly wary of using American tax dollars to fund overseas military operations that could entangle U.S. troops and erode domestic support.

As a 10-day ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah took effect, displaced Lebanese people expressed skepticism about returning home. The agreement's terms are still unclear, and many doubt Israel's commitment to upholding the ceasefire.Abu Haidar, who has been displaced for six weeks, planned to return to his village, Kherbet Selem, near the border. However, he acknowledged the challenges, including a bombed bridge, and decided to leave before the midnight deadline.Others, like Fadal Alawi and Haytham Dandash, whose homes were destroyed, were more cautious. They chose to stay in Beirut until a longer-term agreement is in place, citing concerns over Israel's history of violating agreements.The Israeli military's recent intensification of attacks in southern Lebanon added to the uncertainty. Hezbollah and its ally, Nabih Berri, urged supporters not to return home until the situation clarifies.The unclear terms of the agreement and Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's statement that troops would not withdraw from southern Lebanon during the ceasefire contributed to the skepticism. Hezbollah responded by asserting its right to resist if Israel continues to occupy Lebanese territory.In the meantime, displaced people like Dandash and his wife, Ruwayda Zaiter, faced desperate living conditions, with limited aid and no support from the state or political parties.

Israeli forces carried out an airstrike that completely demolished the only remaining operational bridge over Lebanon's Litani River, according to Al Jazeera on April 16, 2026. The bridge had been a critical crossing point for civilian traffic and aid deliveries in the southern part of the country. The loss of this infrastructure is expected to disrupt transport routes and could further strain the already fragile humanitarian situation in the region, as alternative crossings are limited or damaged. While details about the specific target and casualties were not provided, the incident underscores the escalating tension between Israel and Lebanon and highlights the broader impact of the conflict on civilian infrastructure.

The United States is pushing for de-escalation in the region, with President Donald Trump announcing that Israeli and Lebanese leaders will speak for the first time in 34 years. This development has raised cautious hopes for a diplomatic solution to the fighting that has continued for more than six weeks.The conflict has resulted in over 2,000 people killed and more than 1 million displaced across Lebanon. Israel's military operations in Lebanon and its invasion of the country's south have intensified, with Hezbollah entering the war by launching rockets, missiles, and drones towards a missile defense site near Haifa in northern Israel.Iran's speaker of parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, told his Lebanese counterpart, Nabih Berri, in a phone conversation that a ceasefire in Lebanon is vital. Ghalibaf led the Iranian delegation at the first round of US-Iran talks in Pakistan last week, which ended without a deal.The prospective talks between Israel and Lebanon follow a rare direct engagement between the two countries' US ambassadors in Washington on Tuesday – also their first such direct contact in decades. However, with both sides maintaining starkly different objectives, and the Lebanon front closely tied to broader negotiations involving Iran, it remains unclear whether the talks can produce tangible results.Analysts say that even if a phone call were to take place between Israel's Netanyahu and his Lebanese counterpart, it would be “mostly symbolic rather than substantive”. Lebanon wants a ceasefire as a priority to enter into negotiations whose aim would be to liberate lands currently occupied by Israel.A key demand from Iran in its dialogue with the US is that Israel end its offensive against Hezbollah in Lebanon. Hezbollah is Tehran's most powerful regional ally and a central part of the “axis of resistance”, a network of armed groups across the Middle East aligned with Iran against Israel.

South Africa announced the appointment of Roelf Meyer, a 78‑year‑old former minister and chief negotiator for the apartheid government, as its new ambassador to the United States. The decision, made by President Cyril Ramaphosa, is intended to heal the diplomatic breach that widened after the United States, under President Donald Trump, expelled the previous envoy, Ebrahim Rasool, in March 2025. Meyer replaces Rasool, who was dismissed after publicly labeling Trump’s global movement as “white supremacist.” Since then, Pretoria has lacked formal representation in Washington, a gap the government hopes to close with Meyer’s extensive negotiation experience. The bilateral relationship has deteriorated since Trump assumed office in January 2024, with the U.S. president repeatedly criticising South Africa’s affirmative‑action policies and falsely alleging a “white genocide.” Trump’s administration even offered expedited U.S. citizenship to Afrikaners claiming persecution, while freezing foreign assistance over a land‑ownership law that mandates at least 30 % Black participation in companies. South Africa’s recent actions have further strained ties: filing a genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice and inviting Iran to a BRICS naval exercise off its coast, prompting Washington to accuse Pretoria of “cosying up to Iran.” The BRICS grouping, of which South Africa is a founding member, is viewed by Trump as an economic challenge to U.S. dominance.In a statement, Ramaphosa described Meyer as “a very loyal and patriotic South African” who is “more than qualified” to re‑calibrate relations with the United States and engage with stakeholders on Capitol Hill and across federal agencies. Meyer, who leads the global consultancy In Transformation Initiative, has a long‑standing record in peace negotiations across Northern Ireland, Sri Lanka, Rwanda, Burundi, Kosovo, Bolivia, the Basque region and the Middle East. Domestically, he was the chief negotiator for the white‑minority government during the early‑1990s talks that ended apartheid, later serving as Minister of Constitutional Development under Nelson Mandela and co‑founding the United Democratic Movement before joining the African National Congress in 2006. Critics, notably the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), argue that appointing a former apartheid official signals a willingness to appease Trump’s “white supremacist whims” and that Meyer’s age limits opportunities for younger diplomats. The EFF highlighted his past role in the Department of Law and Order, which enforced apartheid repression. Despite the political controversy, South African analysts stress that the priority for the new ambassador is economic. U.S.–South Africa bilateral trade stands at $26 billion, making Washington Pretoria’s second‑largest trading partner after China. The focus, according to researcher Thembisa Fakude, will be on attracting U.S. investment and creating jobs rather than merely countering Trump’s rhetoric. When Ramaphosa visited the White House in May 2025, he included two white South African golfers in the delegation to soften Trump’s concerns about alleged persecution of white farmers. However, Fakude notes that most South Africans are indifferent to the “artificial” accusations and are more interested in tangible economic benefits. The appointment of Meyer thus represents a calculated diplomatic gamble: leveraging his negotiation pedigree to restore confidence, while navigating domestic criticism and a volatile U.S. political climate.