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Senior Chinese diplomat Sun Weidong has been dismissed from his post as vice minister of foreign affairs, in the latest case of a high-ranking official being removed from office by Beijing. The Ministry of Human Resources announced the news in a brief post on its website on Tuesday, citing a decision of the State Council, the highest body of state power in China.The post did not specify why or when Sun had been dismissed, but the Ministry of Foreign Affairs website shows his last public engagements were meetings with the ambassadors of Brunei and Malaysia to China on March 13. Two days earlier, Sun had met Pakistan’s ambassador to China to discuss bilateral cooperation.Dismissals of this kind in the Chinese government usually indicate high-level disciplinary action and are often followed by news of an investigation. Sun’s dismissal notice included the removal of another official, An Lusheng, from his post as deputy director of the National Railway Administration.Since coming to power in 2012, President Xi Jinping has carried out a wide-ranging anticorruption campaign targeting “tigers and flies”, meaning high- and low-ranking officials. Last year, China investigated more than one million corruption cases and disciplined 938,000 people, according to its Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and National Supervisory Commission.The list of cases involving disciplinary action included 69 provincial or ministerial-level officials, 4,155 bureau-level officials, 35,000 county-level officials, and 125,000 township-level officials, according to the commission’s year-end report. Senior Chinese military officials have also been caught up in Xi’s anticorruption campaign sweeps.

Peter Magyar, the leader of the Tisza party, announced a comprehensive reform agenda hours after his coalition was declared the winner of Hungary’s parliamentary election, ending Viktor Orban’s 16‑year rule. He emphasized that his government will work to restore the rule of law, plural democracy and a system of checks and balances that he says were eroded under the previous administration.At a news conference, Magyar detailed plans for a new anti‑corruption office and a separate body to oversee government spending, aiming to curb the graft that plagued the former regime. He also announced a constitutional amendment that will limit future prime ministers to two terms, a direct response to Orban’s repeated changes to the constitution designed to extend his hold on power.Regarding foreign policy, Magyar pledged that Hungary will remain a committed member of both the EU and NATO, describing these alliances as essential guarantees of peace. He vowed to phase out dependence on Russian oil and gas by 2035 and to pursue a cooperative, rather than confrontational, dialogue with Brussels.The new government is expected to unlock roughly €18 billion in EU funding, and Magyar highlighted that the parliamentary shift could also release a €90‑billion loan package for Ukraine that Orban had blocked a month earlier.Magyar’s position on Ukraine is nuanced. He called the country “the victim in the war” and said he would press President Vladimir Putin to end hostilities, yet he maintained that “fast‑tracking Ukraine’s EU accession is completely out of the question while the war continues.” He added that the restoration of ethnic Hungarian minority rights in Ukraine would be a precondition for deeper ties.On trans‑Atlantic relations, Magyar affirmed that the United States remains “a very important partner” and expressed a desire for “good relations” with the Trump administration, noting the recent visit of U.S. Vice President JD Vance to Budapest.Domestically, Magyar called on President Tamas Sulyok to expedite the transfer of power and urged the president to resign, reminding readers that the president must convene a new parliament within 30 days, after which lawmakers will elect the new prime minister.

Peter Magyar, leader of the Tisza party, secured a landslide victory in Hungary’s parliamentary elections, obtaining a clear mandate to restore the country’s ties with the European Union and revive a stagnant economy. For more than 16 years, Viktor Orban’s government clashed with Brussels, rejecting sanctions on Russia, opposing aid to Ukraine and consequently losing access to European financing. The new administration is expected to reverse that trajectory. Magyar has pledged to unlock over €16 billion in EU funds allocated after the COVID‑19 pandemic, but he must enact reforms on the judiciary, rule of law and anti‑corruption measures before an August deadline to meet EU criteria. Economic stagnation has been severe: Hungary recorded near‑zero growth for three consecutive years and posted the highest inflation rate in the EU in 2023. Voters cited the cost of living as a primary concern, which Magyar addressed by promising a “kick‑start” of the economy. On foreign policy, Magyar is likely to adopt a more collaborative stance toward Ukraine. While he previously opposed Kyiv’s accelerated EU accession and military support, analysts expect him to lift the veto on a €90 billion loan to Ukraine that Orban blocked in February, creating a “money‑for‑Ukraine, money‑for‑Hungary” trade‑off. Nevertheless, Magyar will retain a pragmatic approach to energy security. He affirmed that Russian fuel imports will continue as a safeguard against global shortages, even as he seeks to distance Hungary politically from Moscow. Migration policy is set to soften rhetorically. The Tisza party plans to tone down Orban’s aggressive anti‑refugee messaging while maintaining a hard line on border protection, including keeping the controversial fence and opposing EU relocation quotas. This shift aims to eliminate a €200 million fine imposed for breaching asylum‑seeker rights. Experts caution that Magyar’s rise does not guarantee unanimity within the EU on contentious issues such as Ukraine’s accession or sanctions on Russia. Former Orban allies who shared his hard‑line positions may now be compelled to articulate their own stances. Overall, Magyar’s victory marks a potential turning point for Hungary, offering a pathway back into the EU’s decision‑making core and a chance to address long‑standing economic and diplomatic challenges.

Peter Magyar, once a staunch supporter of Prime Minister Viktor Orban, has shattered the latter’s 16‑year grip on power after his Tisza Party won a landslide victory in Sunday’s parliamentary election. With 97.35% of precincts counted, the centre‑right Tisza Party secured 138 of the 199 parliamentary seats and 53.6% of the popular vote. By contrast, Orban’s Christian‑nationalist Fidesz obtained 55 seats with 37.8% of the vote, according to official tallies. Addressing a crowd of tens of thousands along the Danube in Budapest, the 45‑year‑old victor declared, “Tonight, truth prevailed over lies,” adding that Hungarians had chosen to ask what they could do for their homeland rather than the reverse. Who is Peter Magyar? Born in Budapest in March 1981 to a family of lawyers, he is the great‑nephew of former President Ferenc Madl (2000‑2005). After earning a law degree from Pázmány Péter Catholic University in 2004, Magyar began a career in corporate law and joined Orban’s Fidesz while the party was still in opposition. He later served as a legal aide to Fidesz during the 2006 anti‑government protests, married future justice minister Judit Varga (they have three children), and held several senior posts after Fidesz returned to power in 2010, including a stint at Hungary’s Permanent Representation to the EU in Brussels and a board seat at state‑owned road operator Magyar Közút ZRT. Why did he break with Orban? A 2024 scandal involving a presidential pardon for a man linked to a children’s‑home abuse cover‑up implicated Varga, then justice minister, prompting public outrage and Novak’s resignation. Magyar seized the moment, publishing a Facebook post accusing the government of corruption and releasing a recording of a conversation with his ex‑wife that suggested interference in a corruption case. Policy analyst Gábor Győri of Policy Solutions described Magyar’s departure as a “gradual estrangement” that accelerated after Varga’s fall from power. The exposure boosted Magyar’s domestic popularity, positioning him as a fresh opposition figure amid widespread voter fatigue with Fidesz. In April 2024, Magyar joined the centre‑right Tisza Party, won a seat in the European Parliament, and now stands poised to become Hungary’s next prime minister. Political analyst Zsuzsanna Vegh (German Marshall Fund) noted that Magyar’s win “dispels the myth that Orban cannot be defeated,” emphasizing his ability to unite a diverse electorate through a moderate, policy‑focused campaign rather than a radical right‑wing challenge. Scandals surrounding Magyar have also surfaced. His former wife Varga accused him of domestic violence and of using a secret recording for political gain. Earlier in 2026, Magyar faced allegations of a sex‑related scandal and drug use after compromising photos emerged; he denied drug use, describing the episode as a “honey‑trap” orchestrated by a “classic Russia‑style compromising situation.” He further claimed that Fidesz targeted him personally to undermine his campaign. On policy, Magyar pledges to revive Hungary’s stagnant economy, reduce dependence on Russian energy by 2035, and restore pragmatic relations with both the EU and Moscow. He aims to unlock EU funds frozen over alleged rule‑of‑law breaches and has previously expressed caution about accelerating Ukraine’s EU accession. Observers caution that while Magyar’s election fuels hope among young Hungarians, the real test will be translating opposition momentum into effective governance. As Izabella Nagy, a Budapest professional, observes, “Rebuilding a democracy is far more gruelling than dismantling one,” underscoring the challenges ahead for the new administration.

Pope Leo XIV touched down in Algiers on Monday morning, becoming the first pontiff ever to set foot in Algeria, a nation of roughly 48 million people where Catholics number fewer than 10,000. The United‑States‑born pontiff, now 70, arrived at about 09:00 GMT aboard his papal aircraft, according to an AFP journalist on the scene. The historic landing opens a 11‑day, four‑country African itinerary that will see Leo travel to Cameroon, Angola and Equatorial Guinea after two days in Algeria. Over the course of the tour he will cover nearly 18,000 km on 18 flights, addressing audiences in Italian, English, French, Portuguese and Spanish. During his stay in Algeria, the pope will pay homage to the victims of the 1954‑1962 war of independence from France and will visit both the Great Mosque of Algiers – home to the world’s tallest minaret – and the Basilica of Our Lady of Africa overlooking the Bay of Algiers. He will also pray privately at a chapel dedicated to the 19 clergy murdered during Algeria’s 1992‑2002 civil war, though he will not visit the Tibhirine monastery, site of the 1996 monk kidnapping. The Vatican has scheduled 25 speeches for the 11‑day journey, covering topics such as natural‑resource exploitation, Catholic‑Muslim dialogue, and the dangers of political corruption. Vatican spokesperson Matteo Bruni highlighted that the four nations face a “diverse set of challenges,” from authoritarian rule to human‑rights concerns. One of the tour’s marquee events is expected in Cameroon’s coastal city of Douala, where the Vatican anticipates a crowd of roughly 600,000 for a mass on Friday. Both Cameroon and Equatorial Guinea have long‑standing presidents who have faced accusations of rights abuses, underscoring the diplomatic nuance of Leo’s visit. According to recent Vatican statistics, Africa supplied more than half of the 15.8 million new Catholics baptized worldwide in 2023 – that’s 8.3 million new African Catholics. The continent also increasingly exports clergy, with Angola and Cameroon consistently ranking among the top producers of seminarians. Archbishop Jean‑Paul Vesco, head of the Algiers archdiocese, framed the trip as an effort to “build bridges between the Christian and Muslim worlds.” The pope’s broader African outreach follows a limited overseas record since his May 2025 election, which includes trips to Turkey, Lebanon and Monaco. By embarking on this unprecedented journey, Pope Leo XIV seeks to reinforce the Vatican’s commitment to interfaith dialogue, highlight Africa’s growing influence within the global Catholic Church, and encourage political leaders across the continent to address corruption and promote peace.

Peruvians are heading to the polls to elect their ninth president in less than a decade, a period marked by political instability and corruption scandals that have led to widespread voter disillusionment.Since 2018, Peru has seen eight presidents, with a high turnover rate marred by impeachments and corruption scandals. This has resulted in weak governments and a lack of trust in the political system.On Sunday, 27 million Peruvians are eligible to vote, with polling stations across the country opening at 7am (12:00 GMT) and closing at 5pm (22:00 GMT). Preliminary results are expected shortly afterwards.The presidential ballot features 35 candidates, including a comedian, a media baron, a political dynasty heiress, and a hard-line ex-mayor. However, all major candidates continue to poll well below the 50 percent needed to win the election, making a June 7 run-off appear likely.The most well-known candidate is conservative Keiko Fujimori, who will make her fourth presidential bid. Her candidacy remains polarizing due to her family legacy, with her father, former President Alberto Fujimori, convicted of human rights abuses and corruption.Other notable candidates include Ricardo Belmont, a former mayor of Lima, and Carlos Alvarez, a popular comedian who has campaigned on a platform of being tough on crime. Peru's homicide rate has more than doubled in the past decade, making crime a major concern for voters.Many Peruvians, however, remain disillusioned with the political system and the available candidates. A fruit seller in Lima told the Reuters news agency that she was still undecided on who to vote for, saying "Peru is a mess, and there's no candidate worth voting for." A clothing merchant also shared similar sentiments, stating "We've been governed by nothing but corrupt, thieving scoundrels."

President Donald Trump's 2027 budget proposal has drawn sharp criticism for its stark prioritization of military spending over healthcare and social welfare programs, despite the US facing a crisis of deaths from avoidable causes. The budget proposes a $1.5 trillion military expenditure, a significant increase from previous years, while cutting the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) budget by 12%.The US faces a grim reality in healthcare, with deaths from treatable conditions nearly twice the rate of countries like Spain, France, Japan, and Australia. Many Americans struggle to access healthcare due to cost, with the US having the highest out-of-pocket expenses for medical services among its peers. The proposed budget cuts to HHS and other non-defense programs will likely exacerbate these issues.Trump's budget plan also slashes funding for programs like Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act, potentially leaving 15 million Americans without health insurance, according to analysts. The administration's justification for these cuts includes claims of corruption and wasteful spending in certain programs.The budget proposal has been seen as a betrayal by many Americans who supported Trump based on his promises to help working-class individuals. The data suggests that if Trump continues to ignore the needs of his base, he may soon lose their support. American men and women are dying, and these individuals are also Trump's voters.The Pentagon's recent spending on conflicts, such as the war against Iran, has been substantial, with estimates suggesting $12.7 billion in the first six days and $28 billion in just over five weeks. The budget proposal's focus on military spending raises concerns about the impact on the US economy and society.

Iran's economy is struggling to recover from a lethal mix of local mismanagement, corruption, sanctions, and two major wars in less than a year. The ceasefire announced overnight into Wednesday has brought some relief, with more people returning to work and shops reopening in Tehran's Grand Bazaar.However, sales remain slow compared to before the war, and merchants are facing significant challenges, including 20-30 percent price increases for products due to inflation. The near-total internet shutdown imposed since the start of the war on February 28 has caused countless income streams to be wiped out for families trying to survive.The government has promised to provide support to digital businesses, but it is unclear how they will operate while their customers remain offline. Lay-offs are widespread, with technology firms only signing contracts spanning several months, major carmakers laying off thousands of workers, and numerous journalists being let go by state-run and private sector media outlets.The situation for the embattled Iranian economy could still get worse, as the deepening impact of attacks against civilian infrastructure will likely become more apparent over the coming weeks and months. Iran's top steel factories, petrochemical manufacturers, aluminium producers, airports, and civilian aircraft have been bombed and put out of commission by the US and Israel.It would take Iran years to rebuild even if the war ended today, and that is while the country faced a huge budget crunch even before the war, and still has no prospects of lifting the harsh sanctions imposed by the US and the United Nations over its nuclear programme in order to boost foreign investments.

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban is facing a critical election that could determine the future of his 16-year rule. For the first time in his tenure, Orban's position appears uncertain, with many Hungarians seeking change.The election on Sunday will see around eight million voters choose between stability under Orban and a potential shift in power. Peter Magyar, Orban's centre-right, pro-European Union contender, has been attracting large crowds of supporters, with polls indicating his Tisza party is comfortably ahead of Orban's Fidesz.A visit by US Vice President JD Vance to Budapest and an endorsement by President Donald Trump did not seem to boost Orban's chances. Instead, public frustration over issues like the Iran war and rising prices may have cost him votes.Orban's campaign rhetoric, which includes warnings that Hungary could be dragged into the Ukraine war, has started to lose traction with long-time Fidesz supporters. Marta Bognar, a former Fidesz supporter, expressed her discontent, stating, 'We need change. If there is no change, I believe there could even be a civil war.'The opposition cites widespread corruption and a feudal system built by Orban as reasons for their support for Magyar. The outcome of the election remains uncertain due to Hungary's complex electoral system, which could favour the ruling party.