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Marks & Spencer has formally urged the UK government and London’s mayor to intensify efforts against retail crime, describing the problem as “more brazen, more organised and more aggressive” following a noticeable surge in shoplifting and violent incidents at its stores.Chief executive Stuart Machin addressed a letter to Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood, while retail director Thinus Keeve wrote to Mayor Sadiq Khan, both demanding additional police resources to target repeat offenders and crime hotspots.Keeve detailed recent attacks on the M&S website, noting that “in the past week alone we have had gangs forcing open locked cabinets, stripping shelves, two men emptying steak displays, a large group ransacking a store and assaulting a security guard, a colleague head‑butted while trying to defuse a situation, and another hospitalised after ammonia was thrown in their face.”He warned that the situation is “worse in London, but it is happening across the country, and it is becoming routine, because it seems there are no consequences.”Police responded to reports of antisocial behaviour in Clapham, south London, where “several hundred young people” gathered after coordinating via TikTok and Snapchat. About 100 officers were deployed, fires were lit on Clapham Common and fireworks set off, and six teenage girls were arrested for incidents “fuelled by online trends”. Five people, including four officers, were assaulted.Mayor Khan condemned the Clapham events as “utterly unacceptable”, pledging that “the culprits will face the full force of the law” and that police are working with social‑media platforms to curb viral content that encourages theft and violence.According to Keeve, the UK recorded roughly 5.5 million shoplifting incidents last year, not counting the “vast number that go unreported”. He added that “every day, more than 1,600 retail workers face violence or abuse,” characterising the trend as systemic and worsening.External affairs head Adam Hawksbee told BBC Radio 4’s Today programme that the rise in retail crime is affecting staff morale, with employees “worried about coming into work and nervous about the journey home.”Office for National Statistics data show that shoplifting offences in England and Wales rose to 519,381 in the year to September 2025, a 5% increase from the previous year’s 492,660, and remain just below the record 530,439 offences recorded in the year to March 2025.Keeve concluded that “without a government seriously cracking down on crime and a mayor that prioritises effective policing we are powerless. We need a stronger, faster and more consistent police response, using tools that already exist to target repeat offenders and crime hotspots, and far greater transparency on crime so the true scale and impact is understood.”

The Guardian’s investigation has revealed that the company responsible for the unauthorised partial felling of a 500‑year‑old oak in Whitewebbs Park, Enfield, was Ground Control, a maintenance business that reports a turnover of £190 million. The tree was cut down in September 2025 on behalf of Mitchells & Butler Retail (MBR), the owner of the Toby Carvery restaurant chain. MBR initially defended the action, claiming its contractor warned that the oak was diseased and posed a safety risk. However, a coalition of experts – including a Forest Commission investigator and ancient‑tree specialist Russell Miller – found the tree to be healthy with no imminent danger. Miller described the alleged “hazard” as an old, semi‑occluded wound that did not justify felling the entire tree. According to Dr. Ed Pyne of the Woodland Trust, the delay in identifying the contractor highlights a broader lack of transparency: "What evidence exists that the tree was dangerous? What qualifications did the operatives have?" He added that the justification for the removal remains unsubstantiated. Ground Control’s own documentation shows the work was assigned to its grounds‑maintenance team rather than its specialist arborists, a detail that fuels further criticism of MBR’s decision‑making process. Sources close to the firm say an internal review was conducted by a contracts manager, not a tree expert. Enfield Council, which owns the park, has launched legal action to evict Toby Carvery after MBR refused to apologise or offer compensation. The council also referred the incident to the police, but officers declined to investigate, deeming it a civil matter. Complicating the dispute, MBR is majority‑owned by investment group Enic, which holds strong financial ties to Tottenham Hotspur. The football club plans to develop a women’s training academy on 17 hectares adjacent to the park, a proposal opposed by the local campaign group Guardians of Whitewebbs. The group has secured a judicial review of the planning permission, set for June. In a statement last April, MBR asserted that its “specialist arboriculture contractors” deemed the split and dead wood a serious health‑and‑safety risk. A Toby Carvery spokesperson declined further comment, citing ongoing legal proceedings. The revelation of Ground Control’s involvement adds a new layer to the controversy, raising questions about corporate responsibility, environmental stewardship, and the adequacy of legal protections for historic trees in urban green spaces.

The blockade of the Strait of Hormuz has raised concerns about a potential global food crisis due to its impact on fertiliser supplies. The strait is a critical passage for 20% of global natural gas shipments and a third of the global trade in raw materials for fertiliser.The head of the International Rescue Committee, David Miliband, has warned that the situation is a 'food security timebomb', with the window to avert a massive global hunger crisis rapidly closing.Fertiliser prices have already risen by more than 60% in Egypt, reaching $780 (£586) a tonne, up from about $484 in late February. The Qatar Fertiliser Company (QAFCO), the world's largest single site for urea exports, has been offline for almost a month.The Middle East is the source of about 45% of the global trade in sulphur, a key raw material for fertiliser manufacture. Iran is the fourth-largest global exporter of urea, the most widely used nitrogen fertiliser.A prolonged transport shutdown could disrupt production and increase costs, leading to higher food prices and exacerbating global hunger. The world's poorest countries are among the most vulnerable to fertiliser price rises.

Note: The full text of the Al Jazeera piece titled “It’s the beginning of the end of the American security order” was not included in the source material, so detailed analysis cannot be reproduced here.

The global energy landscape is facing a significant challenge: meeting the increasing demand for energy while reducing carbon emissions. As the world grapples with this dilemma, Russia's role in bridging the global energy gap has become a topic of interest. With its vast energy resources, Russia has the potential to play a crucial role in ensuring global energy security. The country's energy sector is a significant contributor to its economy, and its exports of oil, natural gas, and other energy commodities are essential to meeting the energy needs of many countries. However, Russia's ability to fill the global energy gap depends on various factors, including its production capacity, investment in the energy sector, and geopolitical relationships with other countries. As the global energy market continues to evolve, Russia's role in shaping the future of energy production and consumption will be closely watched.

In the midst of ongoing conflict between Iran, the US, and Israel, a beacon of hope and joy has emerged at the Children's Medical Center in Tehran. The hospital, operating under the Tehran University of Medical Sciences, has become a sanctuary for young patients and their families, providing a much-needed respite from the stress and anxiety of war.On Thursday, families across Iran celebrated Sizdah Bedar, or Nature Day, marking the 13th day of Nowruz, the Persian New Year. While many gathered at Pardisan Park in Tehran to spend time with loved ones, a group of doctors and healthcare providers at the Children's Medical Center worked tirelessly to create a joyful experience for children who could not join in due to illness.Resident doctors and interns have been pooling their own resources and relying on donations to organise activities for the children. The hospital, which has not been impacted by strikes unlike some other medical facilities in Tehran, has seen a decline in patient numbers due to the war, with some parents opting to take their children to paediatric facilities in other cities perceived as safer.Dr. Samaneh Kavousi, one of the organisers, emphasised the importance of providing relief to children and their families, stating, 'We've been trying to do what we can to relieve some of that anxiety.' The hospital's efforts have included art therapy, music, and play activities, as well as distributing fun bags filled with toys and food.Despite the challenges posed by the war, the hospital remains prepared to quickly bounce back to normal activity levels when the conflict ends. Dr. Zeynab Aalihaghi, another resident organiser, noted that the facility faces no shortage of medicine at the moment and hopes to continue helping children and their families.As the war continues, the Children's Medical Center in Tehran stands as a testament to the resilience and dedication of healthcare personnel and the importance of providing hope and joy to those affected by conflict.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

Ramesh Kumar, a 42‑year‑old wheat farmer in Gurdaspur, Punjab, India, is already recalculating his budget as fertiliser prices climb and deliveries become erratic.He worries that higher input costs could force him to postpone his daughter’s wedding, delay school fees for his children, or even cut back on the amount of fertiliser he applies – a decision that could lower his harvest.While the conflict between the United States, Israel and Iran unfolds thousands of kilometres away, its ripple effects are felt in the fields of Punjab, Kashmir, Pakistan’s South Punjab, Bangladesh’s Rangpur and Nepal’s Gulmi district.The Strait of Hormuz, a narrow chokepoint linking Gulf oil and gas producers to global markets, handles roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments. Disruptions here delay the flow of natural gas used to produce nitrogen‑based fertilisers, inflating freight, insurance and ultimately fertiliser prices.South Asia, home to nearly two billion people, depends heavily on fertiliser‑intensive agriculture. In India, the sector is worth about $400 billion and employs over 46 % of the workforce; in Pakistan, it contributes close to 20 % of GDP; Bangladesh’s agriculture accounts for 12‑13 % of GDP; and Nepal relies on agriculture for roughly 24 % of its economy.Between 30 % and 35 % of India’s fertiliser imports, and up to 25‑30 % of Pakistan’s, Bangladesh’s, and Nepal’s imports, travel through routes that pass the Strait of Hormuz. Any prolonged blockage could therefore strain supply chains across the region.Governments are attempting to reassure farmers. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced expanded domestic production of urea, DAP and NPK, as well as the rollout of “Made‑in‑India Nano Urea” and solar‑powered irrigation under the PM Kusum scheme.Pakistan’s federal secretary for agriculture highlighted proactive monitoring, increased domestic urea and DAP output, and measures to keep fertiliser affordable.Bangladesh plans to import 500,000 tonnes of urea in the short term and is exploring alternative sources from China and Morocco, while Nepal’s agriculture ministry says supplies for the upcoming rainy season are secured, though it warns of possible shipment delays.On the ground, farmers are already adjusting. In Kashmir, mustard grower Ghulam Rasool says he reduces fertiliser use as soon as price signals rise, even before actual shortages appear. In Pakistan’s South Punjab, wheat farmer Muneer Ahmad fears higher costs will affect the entire community. In Bangladesh, Mohammad Ibrahim notes that fertiliser availability is becoming unpredictable, and in Nepal, Meghnath Aryal worries that delayed deliveries will hurt crop yields.These individual decisions have broader implications. Reduced fertiliser application can lower yields, which in turn pushes up food prices—a critical concern in a region where households allocate a large share of income to food.While no immediate shortage has been declared, the combination of higher global energy prices, logistical bottlenecks and geopolitical risk makes the situation volatile. Authorities in all four countries are urging farmers to supplement chemical inputs with organic alternatives such as manure, compost and green manuring.For Ramesh Kumar and millions of his peers, the distant Gulf crisis is not an abstract geopolitical story; it is a daily calculation of whether they can afford to feed their families and meet essential expenses.

Recent weeks have been a test of resolve for Chelsea. A humiliating 3‑0 loss to Paris Saint‑Germain in the Champions League last‑16, coupled with a slide in the Premier League, has left the Blues scrambling for answers. Adding to the chaos, two of the squad’s most influential players have gone public. Argentine midfielder Enzo Fernández hinted at a summer move, saying, "I really like Madrid, it’s similar to Buenos Aires," while left‑back Marc Cucurella told The Athletic that the club is paying the price for its inexperience and that the PSG defeat has left the dressing‑room "discouraged". These remarks strike at the heart of Chelsea’s BlueCo‑era project, which has relied on signing young talent to build a sustainable future. Critics point out that, unlike Manchester United’s Class of ’92, Chelsea lacks seasoned veterans to mentor the newcomers. The debate resurfaced when Liam Rosenior was appointed head coach in January, with the club’s hierarchy insisting that a long‑term contract (six‑and‑a‑half years) will give him time to nurture the squad. Leadership dynamics are also under scrutiny. Fernández, who wears the captain’s armband in Reece James’s absence, publicly criticised goalkeeper Filip Jörgensen after a costly error against PSG – a move many view as inconsistent with the culture of a united dressing‑room. Financially, Chelsea has tried to balance ambition with prudence. Fernández’s contract runs until 2032 and is heavily incentive‑based, a strategy designed to keep the wage bill in check. Nonetheless, the club posted a **pre‑tax loss of £262.4 million** for the 2024‑25 season, the largest in English football history, raising questions about the sustainability of its recruitment model. There have been moments of optimism. Chelsea lifted the Club World Cup after beating PSG last summer, but the departure of former coach Enzo Maresca in early January – allegedly after talks with Manchester City figures – destabilised the squad. Players like Fernández and Cucurella recall the impact of that exit on team morale. Despite recent setbacks, the club remains confident in Rosenior’s vision, extending Cucurella’s deal last summer and securing long‑term contracts for key figures such as Reece James, Cole Palmer, and Moisés Caicedo. The Blues still have a realistic chance of qualifying for next season’s Champions League and host Port Vale in the FA Cup quarter‑finals. Looking ahead, sources suggest a possible shift in recruitment strategy, moving away from an exclusive focus on raw talent toward a blend of proven Premier League players and selective signings. While Fernández’s desire for a better contract could spark a transfer saga – with Madrid reportedly unwilling to meet a £100 million fee – the club must decide whether retaining a player whose ambitions no longer align with its project is worth the risk. In sum, Chelsea faces a pivotal moment: restore on‑field performance, manage a record financial loss, and convince both fans and players that the youth‑centred blueprint can deliver the trophies promised under the “trust the process” mantra.