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In a scene reminiscent of Henry James’s observation that the only certainty with a young American abroad is surprise, the current US president continues to bewilder European partners with erratic statements.President Trump has publicly ridiculed British Prime Minister Keir Starmer and the Royal Navy as feeble, mocked French President Emmanuel Macron over personal matters, urged allies to secure their own oil supplies, and declared that withdrawing the United States from NATO is "beyond reconsideration". These comments come as the conflict in Iran, ignited by Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, drags on without a clear resolution, fueling his domestic political anxieties.European officials responded not with shock but with weary irritation, noting that Trump’s unpredictability is now a permanent feature of US policy, steering the continent away from the liberal international order. Analysts warn that NATO’s credibility is eroding, turning the alliance into a "paper tiger" even as Russian President Vladimir Putin watches closely.Britain, hoping to serve as a diplomatic conduit between Washington and Brussels, finds its position increasingly precarious. Post‑Brexit economic vulnerabilities and the looming state visit of King Charles to the United States offer little strategic gain and risk becoming a diplomatic embarrassment.Prime Minister Starmer has deliberately avoided direct confrontation with Trump, instead pledging to deepen the United Kingdom’s economic and security ties with the European Union. This shift aims to reassure Labour factions leaning toward the Liberal Democrats and Greens, while also hoping that shared security concerns will coax European capitals into offering more robust economic support.In a world where traditional alliances are fraying, European leaders face mounting pressure to forge genuine security cooperation rather than merely increasing defence spending. The consensus is clear: delay is no longer an option for Europe to secure its own future.

Chris Haskins, Lord Haskins, who has died at the age of 88, was a highly influential figure in British business and politics. He was a key supporter of Tony Blair's New Labour project and played a crucial role in advising on regulatory reform and rural affairs. Early Life and Career Born in Dublin, Ireland, Haskins studied modern history at Trinity College Dublin, where he developed a reputation as a radical. He began his career in journalism, covering the Aldermaston marches for the Irish Times, before moving into business. In 1959, he traveled to England, married Gilda Horsley, and joined his father-in-law's company, Northern Dairies, which later became Northern Foods. Business Achievements Under Haskins' leadership, Northern Foods grew into Britain's leading food manufacturer. He was instrumental in developing chilled food techniques, which enabled the mass production of ready meals and convenience foods. A significant partnership with Marks & Spencer was established, which became a cornerstone of the company's success, generating annual sales of half a billion pounds. Public Service and Politics Haskins was a vocal advocate for various public causes, including European monetary union, English regional devolution, and the reduction of subsidies to British agriculture. He served as a 'rural tsar' during the foot and mouth outbreak of 2001 and authored a rural recovery report for Defra, which proposed a shift towards environmental concerns and a long-term reduction in subsidies. Legacy Throughout his life, Haskins was known for his 'no-nonsense approach' and his commitment to telling the truth as he saw it. He was a passionate advocate for regional devolution and took an active role in various Yorkshire economic bodies. Despite facing disappointment as governments wound down bodies he chaired, Haskins remained dedicated to his causes, reflecting on his life's work: 'Most of the campaigns of my life have failed, largely, I comfort myself, because I have been ahead of my time.' He is survived by his wife, Gilda, their five children, nine grandchildren, and a great-granddaughter.

Fuel prices in Northern Ireland have experienced the sharpest increase in the UK since the beginning of the Iran war. Petrol prices have jumped by 19% and diesel by 35% since the end of February. A 50-litre tank now costs an average of £75 for petrol and £91 for diesel, up from £63 for petrol and £67 for diesel on 28 February.Northern Ireland previously had some of the lowest fuel prices in the UK due to tighter competition and links to Ireland. However, the gap with other regions has narrowed, with prices remaining the lowest in the UK. Across the UK, fuel prices continue to rise as the Middle East conflict shows no sign of de-escalation. Petrol prices have jumped by 16% and diesel by 30% since the start of the war.Analysis of Eurostat and UK government data reveals that only seven other European countries have recorded larger increases in petrol prices than Northern Ireland. The pattern is similar for diesel, with prices jumping by up to 44% in Estonia. In the UK, the north has seen the sharpest increase in petrol prices among English regions, with drivers paying an average of 154p a litre, up 17% from 132p a litre on the day the war broke out.Price increases in rural areas are similar to urban areas, but data shows that at least 100 stations in mostly rural parts of England and Scotland are charging between 180p and 210p a litre for petrol. The average petrol price for 10 major retailers has risen sharply, with Shell petrol stations charging an average of 158p a litre for standard unleaded petrol.Simon Williams, head of policy at the motoring services company RAC, said: “Drivers hitting the roads this Easter weekend will be faced with some truly eye-watering fuel prices.” Separate official data analysed by RAC showed that petrol prices have gone up nearly 22p a litre – or 16% – to an average of 154.45p since the beginning of the war.

Eight Muslim-majority countries, including Pakistan, Turkey, Egypt, Indonesia, Jordan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, have issued a joint statement strongly condemning Israel's one-sided bill to impose the death penalty on Palestinians convicted of fatal attacks.The countries expressed deep concern over the conditions of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli detention, warning of mounting risks amid reports of ongoing abuses, including torture, inhumane and degrading treatment, starvation, and the denial of basic rights.Israel's parliament, the Knesset, passed the controversial bill on Monday, a one-sided law that will not impose the same penalty on Jewish Israelis convicted of killings. The law has been criticized by the United Nations and the European Union, but Israel's ally, the United States, came out in support of its sovereign right to determine its own laws.The eight countries also cautioned against measures by Israel that risk further inflaming tensions on the ground, stating that these practices reflect a broader pattern of violations against the Palestinian people.

The UK is leading a coalition of approximately 40 nations in virtual talks to address the ongoing blockade of the Strait of Hormuz by Iran. The waterway, crucial for global energy supply, has been blocked since the US and Israel initiated a war on Iran on February 28.The blockade has had severe economic repercussions, causing global oil prices to skyrocket above $100 per barrel, a roughly 40% increase from pre-war levels. This surge has forced countries, particularly in Asia, to implement fuel rationing and reduce industrial production. For instance, Malaysia has ordered all civil servants to work from home to conserve energy.The US has opted out of these talks, with President Donald Trump stating it's not the US's responsibility to reopen the strait, suggesting that European countries should secure their own oil. In response, UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer is chairing a video conference with over 40 countries, including France, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, Canada, Australia, and the United Arab Emirates.The meeting's agenda includes assessing diplomatic and political measures to restore freedom of navigation, ensure the safety of trapped ships and seafarers, and resume the movement of vital commodities. The UK government has also outlined plans to clear the strait of landmines and protect tankers crossing the area.Experts suggest that while the coalition's efforts are crucial, the blockade's resolution is uncertain without an arrangement with Iran. Iran has demanded international recognition of its authority over the Strait of Hormuz as one of its conditions for a ceasefire. The country's parliament is also considering legislation to collect tolls from ships transiting the strait.Analysts argue that reopening the strait by force would require US and European allies to collaborate. However, under current circumstances, the coalition's success seems doubtful unless a negotiated arrangement with Iran is reached.

French authorities detained European Parliament member Rima Hassan on Thursday, accusing her of "apology for terrorism" after a social‑media post referenced Kozo Okamoto, a participant in the 1972 Ben Gurion Airport attack. The detention, reported by Le Parisien, marks a rare instance where a sitting MEP’s parliamentary immunity appears to have been set aside. According to the newspaper, Hassan had already removed the contentious post from X, but the investigation continued. Police also reported finding a small quantity of synthetic drugs in her possession during the arrest. Jean‑Luc Mélenchon, founder of the left‑wing La France Insoumise (LFI) party, condemned the move on X, stating, "There is no longer parliamentary immunity in France. Intolerable." He and other LFI colleagues argue the action is designed to silence supporters of Palestine. LFI parliamentarians Sophia Chikirou and Mathilde Panot echoed the criticism, accusing the French police and justice system of being weaponised against activists. Panot warned that President Emmanuel Macron’s France is witnessing a "new level" of criminalisation of political opponents. The controversy follows Hassan’s recent denial of entry to Canada, which she described as censorship, and a prior alert by far‑right National Rally politician Matthias Renault to Paris prosecutors about the same X post. Renault welcomed the detention, calling it "the beginning of the end of impunity for the LFI MP." Hassan, a 33‑year‑old French‑Palestinian lawyer elected to the European Parliament in 2024, is a vocal critic of Israel’s war in Gaza and participated in a Gaza‑bound flotilla intercepted by Israeli forces in October 2025. Her advocacy has repeatedly drawn ire from pro‑Israel groups across Europe. While Hassan and her legal team have not responded to Reuters’ requests for comment, the incident raises broader questions about the balance between anti‑terrorism legislation and political freedoms within the EU, especially as debates over Palestine intensify across the continent.

Gabriele Gravina, the head of Italy's football federation (FIGC), has resigned following the men's national team's failure to qualify for the World Cup for a third consecutive time. This decision comes after a meeting at the FIGC's headquarters in Rome on Thursday.Gravina's resignation was announced a day after Sport Minister Andrea Abodi called for his departure. Italy's national team lost to Bosnia and Herzegovina in a penalty shootout during the playoffs on Tuesday, securing their absence from this year's World Cup in the United States, Canada, and Mexico.The FIGC has scheduled a vote for a new president on June 22. Giovanni Malago, the former head of the Italian National Olympic Committee, is reportedly among the candidates. Additionally, head coach Gennaro Gattuso and general manager Gianluigi Buffon are expected to step down.Italy's football crisis prompted Abodi to state that the sport needs to be rebuilt from the ground up, starting with changes at the top of the FIGC. Gravina had previously acknowledged that Italian football is in a profound crisis.During his tenure, which began in 2018, Gravina oversaw Italy's Euro 2020 triumph under Roberto Mancini. However, two World Cup qualification failures and a disappointing European title defense led to his resignation.Italy's football woes extend beyond the national team, with Serie A clubs not winning the Champions League since 2010. The country's hosting rights for Euro 2032, which it will cohost with Turkey, are also under scrutiny due to concerns over stadium infrastructure.

Argentina has taken a significant step in its diplomatic relations with Iran by expelling the Iranian charge d'affaires in Buenos Aires, Mohsen Tehrani. This move comes in response to Iran's rejection of Argentina's decision to blacklist the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a 'terrorist' group.The Foreign Ministry of Argentina stated that Iran's response contained 'false, offensive and unfounded accusations against the Argentinian Republic and its highest authorities.' The ministry emphasized that these statements constitute unacceptable interference in Argentina's internal affairs and a deliberate misrepresentation of decisions adopted in accordance with international law and national law.Iran's Foreign Ministry had condemned Argentina's move against the IRGC, calling it an 'action against Iran's security and national interests.' Tehran accused Argentina of making this decision 'under the influence of inducements and pressures from the genocidal and occupying Zionist regime,' referring to Israel.The designation of the IRGC as a 'terrorist' group by Argentina follows similar moves by the US in 2019 and the European Union in January. Argentina's President Javier Milei, who has taken staunchly pro-Israel positions, described himself as 'the most Zionist president in the world.'The relationship between Argentina and Iran has been strained, particularly over the 1994 bombing of a Jewish centre in Buenos Aires, which an Argentinian court ruled was carried out by Iran. Iran has denied its involvement in the attack.Milei's government cited the 1994 attack in its decision to blacklist the IRGC. The Argentinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs accused Iran of failing to cooperate with the probe or hand over suspects in the case, stating that 'The Argentine Republic will not tolerate grievances or interference from a State that has systematically failed to comply with its international obligations and that persists in obstructing the progress of justice.'

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.