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The Gulf Cooperation Council is reassessing its security model after the brief but intense US‑Israel campaign against Iran. With American bases on Gulf soil turning the region into a target for Tehran’s missile and drone barrage, Gulf capitals are looking to diversify their defence partners beyond the United States. Iran’s lingering missile arsenal and its demand to retain control of the Strait of Hormuz remain the central security dilemma. The strait channels the bulk of Gulf oil trade, and Tehran’s insistence on keeping a foothold there was a sticking point in the cease‑fire talks scheduled to begin in Islamabad. Gulf air defences boasted a high interception rate, claiming to have neutralised more than 90% of the 2,256 drones and 563 missiles that struck the United Arab Emirates, the hardest‑hit member of the bloc. Nevertheless, the Gulf is split on how to engage Iran moving forward. A hawkish bloc led by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain favours a tougher stance, while Saudi Arabia, Qatar and others are open to restoring diplomatic ties. In a rare development, Saudi Arabia and Iran held their first official conversation since the conflict began, with foreign ministers discussing measures to lower tensions and restore regional stability. Security scholars such as Bader Mousa Al‑Saif of Kuwait University argue that Gulf states must broaden their security network, forging alliances with regional powers like Turkey and Pakistan rather than relying solely on the United States. He warned that the region needs a model that shields it from a perpetual state of war. Pre‑war trends are now accelerating: Saudi Arabia recently signed a defence pact with Pakistan, the UAE announced a partnership with India, and all three Gulf states – Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar – entered rapid defence agreements with Ukraine to counter Iranian drone threats. Talks of a “Muslim NATO” have largely faded, but a new alignment dubbed “Step”, involving Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt and Pakistan, is taking shape. The coalition’s purpose remains ambiguous, oscillating between counter‑Iran and counter‑Israel objectives, and internal rivalries complicate cohesion. The United Kingdom, which helped protect Gulf airspace during the hostilities, is also seeking deeper defence‑industrial cooperation with Saudi Arabia, as discussed by Prime Minister Keir Starmer in Jeddah. UAE political scientist Abdulkhaleq Abdulla predicts tighter security ties with the United States and a growing willingness among Gulf states to engage with Israel on military and intelligence fronts. Analysts such as Yasmine Farouk of the International Crisis Group note that Saudi Arabia’s extensive oil infrastructure, Red Sea ports and sheer geographic size give it a strategic advantage in post‑war reconstruction, though the cost of rebuilding could strain its Vision 2030 diversification agenda. Looking ahead, the Gulf is expected to layer additional security partnerships—particularly with European nations—while investing heavily in air and missile defence, hardened ports, desalination facilities, maritime surveillance and alternative export routes. As Andreas Krieg of King’s College London observes, the United States remains the only power with a full‑scale military architecture in the Gulf, but its bases are increasingly viewed as “tripwires” rather than protective shields.

Javokhir Sindarov reinforced his dominance at the Candidates tournament in Cyprus, securing his sixth victory of the event and climbing to an unbeaten eight points out of ten. This tally places him two points clear of his nearest rival, Dutch No. 1 Anish Giri, who sits on six points after ten rounds. In a decisive game against India’s Praggnanandhaa Rameshbabu, Sindarov capitalized on a critical blunder at move 22, converting a queen‑and‑pawn advantage into a winning material edge while Giri’s opponent struggled to defend the Queen’s Gambit. Giri, meanwhile, bolstered his own campaign by defeating pre‑tournament favourite and US champion Fabiano Caruana in the previous round, delivering a spectacular finish that featured a forced queen sacrifice and a forced checkmate sequence. The upcoming round 13 pits Sindarov against Giri with the black pieces. A victory there would virtually guarantee Sindarov a spot in the 2026 World Championship match against fellow teenager Gukesh Dommaraju, who is only six months younger. Both contenders will be under 21, underscoring a historic youth surge at the pinnacle of chess. Current Candidates standings after ten of the fourteen rounds:Sindarov 8, Giri 6, Caruana 5, Blübaum (Germany), Wei Yi (China) and Hikaru Nakamura (USA) 4.5, Praggnanandhaa 4, Andrey Esipenko 3.5. In the women’s Candidates, the race remains tightly contested. India’s Vaishali Rameshbabu—sister of Praggnanandhaa—has surged to the outright lead with six points, after climbing from a negative score three rounds earlier. The rest of the field includes Zhu Jiner (China) and Anna Muzychuk (Ukraine) on 5.5 points, and a quartet of players tied at five points. Parallel events highlighted the depth of talent emerging worldwide. Germany’s Vincent Keymer clinched the Grenke Freestyle Open title on tie‑break over France’s Maxime Vachier‑Lagrave, earning a spot at the next Freestyle World Championship. World No. 1 Magnus Carlsen finished third with 7/9, also on tie‑break, after a drawn final round against a lower‑rated Indian opponent; his performance was reportedly hampered by excessive heat in the venue. In England, International Master Marcus Harvey achieved his first grandmaster norm at the 4NCL Easter Congress, bringing his rating to 2446—well above the 2400 threshold required for the title. At 29, Harvey joins a small group of English players on the cusp of full GM status, with strong institutional support from the English Chess Federation and government‑backed funding. The Candidates tournament thus not only crowns the next challenger for the world crown but also signals a broader generational shift, with several teenagers already positioned to shape the elite chess landscape for years to come.

Maria Semple's latest novel, 'Go Gentle', is a joyfully clever romantic comedy that explores the application of Stoic philosophy to modern life. The story follows Adora Hazzard, a Stoic philosopher and divorcee living on New York City's Upper West Side, as she navigates her life and encounters a handsome stranger.Semple, best known for her bestselling novel 'Where'd You Go, Bernadette', presents a unique blend of humor, philosophy, and romance. The book is a zany high-wire act that seamlessly weaves together elements of comedy, art heist, thriller, and romantic comedy.At its core, 'Go Gentle' is a paean to the virtuous joys of Stoic philosophy. Semple makes Stoicism feel fresh and exciting through Adora's enthusiasm, which is contagious and inspiring. The book fizzes with funny lines, and Semple's writing is full of charm and wit.However, the book's merry chaos sometimes tips over into disjointedness, particularly in the section charting Adora's marriage deterioration through time-stamped nuggets. Despite this, the book's main plot is ingeniously wrapped up at the end, leaving readers feeling both cleverer and sillier.'Go Gentle' by Maria Semple is published on 16 April by W&N (£20). To support the Guardian, buy a copy at guardianbookshop.com. Delivery charges may apply.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi warned on Thursday that it would be "dumb" for the United States to permit Israel to jeopardise the newly‑declared regional ceasefire by persisting with its intense bombardment of Lebanon, a campaign that has already claimed hundreds of lives. Araghchi noted that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s corruption trial is set to resume on Sunday, suggesting the prime minister may have ulterior motives for sustaining the fighting. He wrote on social media that a ceasefire encompassing Lebanon would "hasten his jailing," implying that the truce could pressure Netanyahu’s legal woes. Addressing Washington directly, Araghchi said: "If the US wishes to crater its economy by letting Netanyahu kill diplomacy, that would ultimately be its choice. We think that would be dumb but are prepared for it." The statement echoes language used by U.S. Vice President JD Vance the previous day, who warned that Iran would find it "dumb" to let the ceasefire collapse over Lebanon, yet framed it as a choice for Tehran. Since the ceasefire was announced on Tuesday, the dispute over whether it applies to Lebanon has become a central obstacle to sustaining the truce. Iranian officials and media have hinted that Tehran could respond militarily to Israel’s assault on Lebanon or even block the Strait of Hormuz to enforce a Lebanon‑wide ceasefire. President Donald Trump told NBC News that he had spoken with Netanyahu and urged the Israeli government to "scale back" its operations in Lebanon, describing the approach as "low‑key." Vance also reported that Israeli officials had agreed to "check themselves a little bit in Lebanon." Despite these diplomatic overtures, the violence shows no sign of abating. The death toll from recent Israeli strikes in Lebanon has already surpassed 300, marking one of the deadliest days in the country’s recent history. On Thursday, Israel launched several new attacks, including a strike that killed four rescuers in the southern town of Borj Qalaouiye, and issued a displacement order for Beirut’s Jnah district, home to two major hospitals and tens of thousands of residents and displaced persons. The United States has a track record of asserting that Israel will curb its military actions, only to witness continued strikes. In 2024, the Biden administration insisted that Israel’s operation in Rafah was "limited," yet the Israeli military ultimately razed nearly every structure in the city, a tactic now hinted at for southern Lebanon. The Lebanese conflict escalated into full‑scale war in early March after Hezbollah fired rockets in retaliation for Israeli strikes and following the killing of Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on February 28. Since a separate November 2024 ceasefire, Israel has maintained near‑daily attacks on Lebanon, targeting civilian infrastructure and deepening the humanitarian crisis.

The strategic Strait of Hormuz, linking the Persian Gulf to the Gulf of Oman, has become the focal point of the Israel‑U.S. war on Iran that began in February. In peacetime the narrow waterway handled about 20% of global oil and liquefied natural gas shipments without any tolls, but the conflict has turned it into a contested zone. After a series of Israeli and U.S. strikes, Iran retaliated by targeting merchant vessels it deemed hostile, effectively shutting the passage and triggering one of the most severe energy‑distribution crises in recent memory. While a two‑week ceasefire, brokered by Pakistan, was declared on Tuesday, Tehran has issued a set of official terms that would govern the strait moving forward. According to Iran’s foreign minister Abbas Araghi, safe passage will be allowed in coordination with the Iranian armed forces and subject to technical limitations. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has even published a new navigation map that pushes traffic farther north, away from the traditional route near Oman’s coast, citing the risk of anti‑ship mines. Central to Tehran’s 10‑point peace proposal is the idea of charging fees for strait usage. Iranian media report that the plan could levy up to $2 million per vessel—a sum to be shared with Oman—or a charge of $1 per barrel of oil shipped. The revenue would allegedly fund reconstruction of military and civilian infrastructure damaged by the U.S.–Israeli campaign. Oman has publicly rejected any toll scheme, with Transport Minister Said Al‑Maawali reminding that the country has already signed all relevant international maritime transport agreements that prohibit such fees. International law adds another layer of complexity. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) prohibits levying charges for mere passage through international straits, allowing fees only for services like navigation assistance or port use. Neither the United States nor Iran have ratified UNCLOS, but the principle remains a benchmark for maritime norms. Analysts suggest a possible workaround: charging for de‑mining and safety services rather than for passage itself, which could be permissible under existing legal frameworks. The proposal has sparked diplomatic pushback. At the United Nations Security Council, Bahrain led a resolution urging coordinated reopening of the strait, backed by Qatar, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Jordan. The resolution passed with 11 of 15 votes, but was vetoed by Russia and China, who argued it unfairly targeted Iran and ignored the initial strikes. Beyond the region, the United States is unlikely to accept indefinite tolls. Former President Donald Trump, who announced the ceasefire, warned that U.S. forces would remain in the area and threatened to resume attacks if negotiations faltered. American troops are reportedly “hanging around” to assist with traffic buildup, though the extent of their operational control remains unclear. Maritime analyst C. Uday Bhaskar notes that only three to five ships have traversed the strait since the ceasefire began, underscoring the lingering uncertainty for global shippers. He adds that ship owners facing multi‑million‑dollar losses each day may ultimately acquiesce to Iran’s terms, at least temporarily. Should Iran implement a toll regime, the immediate impact would fall on Gulf oil‑producing nations, but the ripple effects could destabilize global energy markets, already strained by supply shocks. Major powers such as the United Kingdom have been coordinating with a coalition of 40 countries to explore alternative mechanisms for reopening the waterway without conceding to tolls. In sum, Iran’s proposed protocol for the Strait of Hormuz introduces a contentious new variable into an already volatile geopolitical landscape, pitting national security interests against established maritime law and the broader stability of world energy supplies.

Fresh Israeli airstrikes have struck southern Lebanon, resulting in multiple fatalities and injuries, just a day after a devastating attack that claimed over 200 lives. The escalation has sparked concerns about the stability of the recently announced US-Iran ceasefire, which Tehran says includes Lebanon.Lebanon's National News Agency reported that an Israeli strike on the town of Abbassiyeh killed at least seven people and wounded several others, with the total expected to rise. The attacks have targeted various towns, including Kafra, Jmaijmeh, Safad al-Battikh, Majdal Selm, and Deir Antar near Qasmiyeh bridge.The Lebanese army confirmed that four of its soldiers were killed in Israeli strikes on Wednesday. The Israeli military claimed that it carried out overnight strikes in Beirut, killing Ali Yusuf Harshi, a close aide to Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem.The scale and intensity of the attacks suggest a broader campaign that continues despite the ceasefire agreement. Al Jazeera's Nida Ibrahim reported from Ramallah that the ongoing strikes reflect a deeper alignment between Israel and the US. Hezbollah has insisted that the ceasefire deal between the US and Iran should include the Lebanon front.According to the Lebanese health ministry, 203 people were killed on Wednesday, with over 1,000 wounded in Israeli attacks across Lebanon. Lebanon's prime minister declared a national day of mourning on Thursday, ordering public offices to close and flags to be lowered in tribute.International leaders have condemned the attacks, with UN human rights chief Volker Turk describing the scale of killing as 'horrific'. French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot said: 'We strongly condemn these massive strikes which, in ten minutes, killed more than 250 people, adding to the 1,500 victims of this conflict initiated by Hezbollah against Israel on March 2.'Lebanon's Health Ministry reports that Israeli attacks since March 2 have killed at least 1,739 people and wounded 5,873 people.

Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

President Donald Trump declared on Truth Social that U.S. troops, aircraft and naval vessels will stay positioned around Iran until what he termed the "REAL AGREEMENT" is fully honored, warning that any failure by Tehran will trigger "bigger, better, and stronger" military action.Trump’s message, posted late Wednesday, underscores Washington’s demand that Iran abandon any nuclear weapons ambitions and guarantee safe passage through the strategically vital Strait of Hormuz. He added that U.S. forces are "loading up and resting, looking forward to its next conquest," a rhetoric that heightens concerns of a rapid escalation.The announcement follows a two‑week ceasefire brokered by Pakistan that paused six weeks of combat and briefly steadied global markets worried about disruptions to oil shipments through Hormuz. However, the truce remains precarious.Iranian semi‑official outlets ISNA and Tasnim released a chart suggesting the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) had laid sea mines in the strait, marking a "danger zone" that forced some vessels to navigate farther north near Larak Island. The chart, dated Feb. 28 to Apr. 9, leaves it unclear whether the mines have been cleared.On the ground in Tehran, public sentiment is deeply skeptical. One woman told Al Jazeera that any day without bloodshed would be "very good," while another dismissed the ceasefire as meaningless while Israel continues its bombardment of Lebanon. A third resident called the truce "a theatrical show" orchestrated by Trump.Negotiations are further complicated by Tehran’s rejection of a sweeping U.S. proposal. Iran insists on an end to Israeli attacks on Lebanon and the lifting of sanctions—conditions Washington has yet to accept.Despite the uncertainty, Iranian officials hinted at a diplomatic push: Ambassador Reza Amiri Moghadam announced on X that a delegation would arrive in Islamabad for talks based on ten Iranian‑proposed points, though he later deleted the post. Pakistan’s capital simultaneously announced two days of unannounced holidays, adding to the opacity.Israel has intensified its campaign in Lebanon, killing at least 182 people in a single day, which Tehran warns could render further negotiations "unreasonable" under the current circumstances.In Washington, opposition to the conflict is mounting. Senator Cory Booker announced that Democrats intend to invoke the War Powers Resolution to force a congressional vote, condemning Trump’s actions as "unauthorised" and "reckless war‑mongering" that the American public does not support.The convergence of U.S. military posturing, Iranian skepticism, Israeli escalation, and domestic political pressure creates a volatile environment where the fragile ceasefire could unravel, threatening regional security and global energy markets.

Barcelona secured a 2‑0 advantage over Atletico Madrid at the Metropolitano, setting up a high‑stakes Champions League quarter‑final second leg. The win followed a 2‑1 league victory against the same opponents, where Marcus Rashford and Robert Lewandowski scored late goals to clinch the La Liga title. After the match, Diego Simeone approached Hansi Flick with a reminder to return, underscoring the rivalry that will see the teams clash three times in ten days. The upcoming return fixture at Camp Nou promises a tougher battle than the opening encounter. Rashford’s performance was described by Spanish outlets as “hyperactive” and an “exhibition of speed.” He generated seven shots in the first hour alone, including a disallowed goal, multiple attempts saved by goalkeeper Juan Musso, and a free‑kick that struck the bar. His relentless wing play forced the opposition to defend deeper, highlighting his impact beyond the scoreboard. Statistically, Rashford has become Barcelona’s most prolific loanee this season: five goals and four assists in ten Champions League games, and he has reached double figures for both goals and assists across all competitions – a first for any player in Spain this campaign. The loan, secured for €30 million (£26 million) with an option to buy, was initially motivated by Barcelona’s need for a versatile forward who could operate across the front line. The club previously pursued Nico Williams and Luis Díaz, but Rashford’s deal offered a quicker, more economical solution amid La Liga’s salary‑cap constraints. While he started the season as a backup, injuries to Raphinha and form dips from Ferran Torres and Lewandowski opened opportunities. Coach Flick has primarily deployed Rashford on the left flank, though he was briefly positioned as a centre‑forward during the Atletico match. Despite his contributions, Flick cautions that Rashford must improve his defensive work‑rate, a point emphasized by the coach before the game: “We know Marcus is fantastic with the ball, but defending is also part of the game.” Historically, overturning a 2‑0 first‑leg deficit in the Champions League is rare – only one team has succeeded. This reality adds pressure on Barcelona to protect their lead, while Simeone’s side will aim to exploit any complacency. Looking ahead, the club faces a strategic decision: whether to activate the €30 million buy clause and secure Rashford permanently. United have labelled the fee as non‑negotiable, but Barcelona’s limited budget and the desire to convert a successful loan into a long‑term asset make the negotiation critical. Rashford himself remains optimistic, stating he enjoys the new environment and culture in Catalonia. As the second leg looms, his “hyperactive” energy and willingness to take responsibility could prove decisive for Barcelona’s quest to reach the Champions League semi‑finals.