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Jon McClure, the Sheffield‑born frontman of Reverend and the Makers, has taken a seat on the board of Sheffield FC – the world’s oldest football club – after joining a new minority‑ownership group with David Bianchi. The move marks the first time the musician has taken on a formal role in a football institution.McClure, a lifelong Wednesday supporter, first approached the club eight years ago but felt he wasn’t yet “in a mature enough position” to steward a cultural landmark. Since last month he has been actively reviewing the club’s operations and seeking ways to modernise a team that currently competes in the ninth tier of English football.The appointment comes as Sheffield FC enjoys a surge in interest, having recorded a club‑record league attendance of 1,172 spectators for a recent defeat to Tadcaster. The side will host the same opponents again in a Northern Counties East League playoff semi‑final after finishing third in the division.Unlike the high‑profile takeovers at Dagenham & Redbridge or Wrexham, McClure insists his approach will be “more considered”. He acknowledges the club’s history of “years of dysfunction” and warns against “putting rocket boosters on a three‑wheeler”, emphasizing a need for steady stabilisation before growth.Founded in 1857, Sheffield FC’s claim to fame is its role in codifying the modern game – a narrative McClure says is “still under‑told”. The club boasts the first football kit, the first recorded derby and a unique FIFA order of merit shared only with Real Madrid, offering “global IP opportunities”, according to the chair.To translate heritage into footfall, McClure has introduced free entry for children, hoping to lift typical matchday crowds from 300‑400 to larger numbers. He also highlights a logistical hurdle: the club’s “Home of Football” ground sits in Dronfield, Derbyshire, outside Sheffield’s city limits, prompting a long‑term ambition to relocate to a multi‑purpose venue in the city centre.McClure’s celebrity connections are already bearing fruit. He invited Sheffield music legend Richard Hawley to a recent fixture and maintains a friendly rapport with Sheffield United manager Chris Wilder, despite the historic rivalry between the city’s clubs.In a nod to modern digital culture, McClure’s brother Chris created the viral persona “Steve Bracknall”, the fictional assistant manager of the Royal Oak. When the Royal Oak played a real match at Sheffield FC, the event drew over 2,000 fans on the ground and half a million online viewers, including Robbie Williams, branding it “the biggest game in Sunday league history”.Looking ahead, McClure is keen to expand the club’s junior and women’s programmes, envisioning an “1857 Academy” that could scale globally if built on the right foundations. While a leap to the Northern Premier League is the realistic target, the broader goal is to cement Sheffield FC as a thriving community hub that honors its status as the birthplace of football.

The UK government announced legislation that will protect disabled claimants from an automatic reassessment of benefits when they begin paid employment or volunteering. The measure, dubbed the “right to try”, is slated to take effect at the end of April and aims to remove the fear of losing financial support that many say discourages job‑seeking. Minister for Social Security and Disability Sir Stephen Timms framed the policy as a reassurance for people “stranded in the benefits system”. He emphasized that the change also extends to volunteering, which he described as a vital stepping‑stone toward sustainable employment. The new rules will apply to recipients of Employment and Support Allowance (ESA), Personal Independence Payment (PIP) and the health element of Universal Credit. Under the current system, taking up work can trigger a reassessment that often leads to reduced or withdrawn support, a risk that has deterred many disabled individuals from seeking employment. Disability advocates welcomed the development but cautioned that it does not tackle the deeper obstacles faced by disabled job‑seekers. James Taylor, a director at the charity Scope, called the policy “a step in the right direction” but warned that “the odds are stacked against disabled people when it comes to finding suitable work”. He urged the government to fund personalised employment support and to halt further benefit cuts. Research from the flexible‑working nonprofit Timewise underscores the challenge: only 2.5% of long‑term sick or disabled individuals who are economically inactive manage to return to work each year, and more than half of those jobs last fewer than four months. Mikey Erhardt of Disability Rights UK highlighted that a secure “right to try” is essential to ensure that anyone who tries work can retain the same level of support if the venture fails. Critics also noted that the announcement coincides with a controversial reduction to the health element of Universal Credit, which will be halved for new claimants and frozen unless stricter eligibility criteria are met. Timms acknowledged the pressure this creates, saying the previous system forced people to prove they were “too unwell to work”. Campaigners fear the simultaneous cuts will exacerbate financial strain for disabled claimants already navigating an uncertain labour market. Erhardt warned that “hundreds of thousands of disabled people will experience yet another cut in living standards”, arguing that successive governments have treated social security more as a coercive tool than a safety net.

The little corella infestation on Kangaroo Island has reached critical levels, with the birds causing widespread destruction and disruption to daily life. Despite a recent culling effort that resulted in the death of 2,640 little corellas, authorities acknowledge that it won't be enough to mitigate the problem.The birds, which are not native to the island, have been covering a local school in faeces, tearing up infrastructure, damaging crops, and causing mental distress to residents with their screeching. They have also been spotted using the nesting hollows of the endangered glossy-black cockatoo, smashing their eggs and killing their nestlings.Past attempts to control populations by shooting, scaring, trapping, or gassing them have failed, with the highly intelligent birds learning how to survive or just moving to cause havoc somewhere else. The Kangaroo Island Landscape Board's general manager, Will Durack, says that night-time shooting was more efficient, with the roosting birds easier to kill in large numbers, but it is not clear how much of a dent they made in the population.The little corellas have created a perfect environment for themselves on the island, with a predictable water supply from stock troughs and dams, and food from grain crops. Residents have expressed concerns about the physical and mental health impacts of the infestation, including the spread of diseases such as ornithosis and the disruption to daily life caused by the birds' loud shrieks.Coordination with other agencies and more resources are needed if the trial is to be expanded, according to the landscape board. A resident, Rodney Bell, has four grandchildren at the school and says: “They poo all over the yard, then the kids are playing in it.” He also mentions that “near the school, they would drive anyone insane from the sheer noise.”

The Norwegian Nobel Committee, which awards the Nobel Peace Prize, has publicly condemned Moscow’s latest effort to label the human‑rights organisation Memorial as an "extremist organisation". Chairman Jørgen Watne Frydnes said the committee is "deeply alarmed" by the Russian authorities’ attempt to dismantle a co‑recipient of the 2022 Peace Prize. According to the statement released on Wednesday, Russia’s Supreme Court is set to review a petition from the Ministry of Justice that seeks to add Memorial to the nation’s list of “undesirable” entities. If approved, the designation would ban the group from operating within Russia and expose anyone associated with it to up to four years in prison and substantial fines. Memorial, already branded a “foreign agent” and ordered dissolved by the Supreme Court at the end of 2021, would see all of its activities criminalised under the new petition, Frydnes warned. He added that even sharing the organisation’s published material could lead to imprisonment. “To designate such an organisation as extremist is an affront to the fundamental values of human dignity and freedom of expression,” Frydnes asserted, urging Russian officials to withdraw the claim immediately and cease all harassment of Memorial and its members. Memorial shared the 2022 Nobel Peace Prize with Ukraine’s Centre for Civil Liberties and Belarusian activist Ales Bialiatski. Founded in 1987, Memorial specialises in documenting human‑rights violations across Russia and once operated a network of roughly 50 affiliated groups both inside and outside the country. Several of these affiliates continue their work from bases in Germany, France and Italy. Key figures from Memorial have faced criminal proceedings in Russia. Notably, activist Oleg Orlov, who was sentenced for speaking out against the war in Ukraine, was released in a 2024 prisoner exchange and now works abroad to continue documenting abuses. The committee’s statement concludes with a direct appeal: Russian authorities should immediately rescind the extremist label and halt any further intimidation of the organisation and its supporters.

Iran and the United States each declared a triumph after agreeing to a two‑week ceasefire that was announced just before President Donald Trump’s deadline to force Tehran’s surrender. The conflict, which began on 28 February, has already claimed 2,076 lives in U.S.–Israel strikes on Iran and has caused thousands more deaths across the region. The fighting has also shocked global energy markets, stranding oil tankers and pushing prices to unprecedented levels. Trump announced on Truth Social that the United States would halt bombing Iran after receiving a “workable” 10‑point ceasefire proposal, adding that “almost all of the various points of past contention have been agreed to.” Iran, for its part, said it would reopen the Strait of Hormuz to commercial traffic, even as some citizens denounced the government’s perceived capitulation. Both parties are set to resume Pakistan‑mediated talks in Islamabad on Friday, though analysts warn that earlier red lines may resurface. Key terms of the Tuesday agreement: the United States will suspend air strikes for two weeks, citing that it has already achieved its military objectives and is close to a “definitive agreement concerning long‑term peace.” Iran’s foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, pledged to halt “defensive operations” and to allow safe passage through the Strait of Hormuz, while also indicating willingness to fund reconstruction from fees collected on transiting ships. Domestic reaction in Iran remains volatile. University of Tehran professor Foad Izadi noted that the public’s pessimism stems from two prior escalations—June’s 12‑day war and the February 28 strikes—both of which occurred amid ongoing negotiations. Earlier demands: The United States had presented a 15‑point plan on 25 March, calling for a 30‑day ceasefire, immediate reopening of the Strait, Iran’s de‑commissioning of its nuclear facilities, a total ban on uranium enrichment, handover of nuclear stockpiles to the IAEA, cessation of support to regional proxies, strict limits on ballistic missiles, and a full lift of sanctions, among other items. Iran responded with a 10‑point proposal that emphasized a non‑aggression commitment from the United States, controlled passage through the Strait, acceptance of its enrichment programme, comprehensive sanctions relief, withdrawal of U.S. combat forces, compensation for war damages via shipping fees, and a binding UN Security Council resolution. Both sides have already made concessions. Iran moved from demanding a permanent ceasefire to accepting a two‑week pause, and it shifted from insisting on reparations to proposing reconstruction funding from Strait fees. The United States, meanwhile, has softened its demand for an “unconditional” Iranian surrender and has not reiterated its earlier insistence on dismantling Iran’s missile capabilities. One of the most contentious issues remains the status of Lebanon. While Pakistan’s prime minister said the ceasefire would extend to Lebanon, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu denied any such inclusion, and Israel launched a major bombing campaign in Beirut shortly thereafter, killing hundreds. Looking ahead, analysts highlight that the United States is unlikely to concede on the complete withdrawal of its roughly 50,000 troops stationed across 19 Middle Eastern sites—a demand Tehran has placed on the table. The outcome of the upcoming talks will hinge on whether Washington can accommodate Tehran’s broader political and economic requests without compromising its strategic objectives.

In a revealing glimpse of the club’s ironclad exclusivity, a 2019 iMessage exchange shows Jeffrey Epstein pleading with Steve Bannon to secure a membership for Paul, Weiss partner Brad Karp. Bannon dismissed the request, describing Augusta’s governing families as "crackers" from the Old South who distrust lawyers and bankers, underscoring the club’s cultural gatekeeping. That anecdote illustrates a broader truth: money alone cannot buy entry to the Masters. Even former President Donald Trump has never been able to force his way onto the Augusta grounds, a rarity among high‑profile U.S. sporting events. Traditionally, most tickets are allocated to lifelong local patrons, a practice that has been frozen since the 1970s. The only official avenue for the public is an annual lottery, where the odds are so slim they make Tiger Woods’ chances of a sixth Green Jacket look generous. In practice, however, a lucrative secondary market emerged, with scalpers selling tickets for up to 50 times face value and operating just outside the 2,700‑foot anti‑scalping boundary mandated by Georgia law. Last year’s Masters turned into a "bloodbath" for the resale industry. An executive from a local hospitality firm reported that around 200 ticket holders were denied entry after the club began rigorously enforcing its anti‑scalping policy. Patrons were sometimes escorted to a room, asked for identification, and interrogated about how they obtained their tickets – a process likened to a police stop. According to insiders, the club’s four‑day tickets now contain RFID chips that allow staff to track each badge’s location nightly. The embedded barcodes allegedly store the buyer’s address, enabling staff to pinpoint resale activity. Some reports claim the club is even purchasing resale tickets en masse to uncover the identities of sellers, then sending a politely worded letter that permanently bans the recipient from the grounds. Ticket platforms have felt the impact. StubHub has introduced a new contract that makes sellers fully liable for any fees or charges if a buyer is turned away, while SeatGeek has ceased offering Masters tickets altogether. This decisive move by Augusta National signals a broader shift in how elite sports events manage secondary markets. Ultimately, the crackdown serves a dual purpose: protecting the club’s brand integrity and reinforcing its reputation as an institution that remains untouched by even the most powerful political figures. As the Masters approaches, the message is clear – the only way onto Augusta’s hallowed fairways is through its own tightly‑controlled channels, not through the influence of money, politics, or the resale trade.

Stephen Fry opened his appearance on ITV’s The Assembly with a startling question: “You tried to kill yourself a couple of times. Are you happy to be alive now?” The boldness set the tone for a conversation that veered far from the usual celebrity‑friendly script.The programme distinguishes itself by placing a well‑known guest in front of a panel of young adults with neurodivergence or learning disabilities. Free from the conventional safeguards of mainstream talk shows, the panel asks questions that are simultaneously unconventional and deeply human, prompting guests to respond without the usual rehearsed veneer.For Fry, the format proved liberating. Known for translating complex ideas into accessible language, he used the platform to discuss suicidal ideation, likening the experience to the lingering memory of a broken limb—painful yet now distant. This candidness allowed him to reaffirm why he remains a cultural touchstone.One of the most memorable moments came when a participant asked, “I read that you are bipolar. One of my family has that. How can I help them?” Fry responded with a vivid analogy, describing bipolar disorder as a “rainstorm raging inside you—eventually the sun returns, and it’s the weather, not the person, that changes.” This explanation resonated as both compassionate and educational.The interview oscillated between gravitas and levity. Fry fielded whimsical queries such as “Can you help me meet Céline Dion?” and “How much have you spent on cocaine?” alongside the probing “Are you a top or a bottom?” The juxtaposition amplified the emotional weight of the serious topics.At one point, a young panelist named Luca chose not to ask a question, instead performing William Wordsworth’s poem “The World Is Too Much With Us” with theatrical flair—a rare blend of poetry and performance that underscored the show’s experimental spirit.Another highlight involved Jacob, a panel member who brandished a list of Fry’s past advertising gigs—Heineken, Twinings, Honda, and more—before delivering the punchline, “Is there anything you wouldn’t do for money?” The extended joke built a collective laugh that softened the subsequent, more probing inquiries.Critics have likened the show’s tone to a hybrid of Radio 4’s In the Psychiatrist’s Chair and the cheeky, irreverent style of classic British comedy interviews such as those with Dame Edna Everage or Mrs Merton, creating a unique space where vulnerability and humor coexist.The episode concluded with Nina Simone’s “I Wish I Knew How It Would Feel to Be Free” playing as Fry reflected on his experiences with antisemitism and bipolar disorder. Moved by the music, he rose and danced, offering a visual testament to the therapeutic power of the format.The Assembly aired on ITV1 and is now available for streaming on ITVX.

In the spring of 2002, the modest Free Butt pub on Brighton’s seafront buzzed with a restless energy. Future stars such as Natasha Khan, then a university art student, danced atop the bar while the Yeah Yeah Yeahs thundered through their first UK dates. Behind the scenes, band frontmen like Guy McKnight of Eighties Matchbox B‑Line Disaster served pints, and budding engineers like Steve Ansell of Cat on Form fine‑tuned the sound. The atmosphere felt like a rite of passage, where any performer could slip from a cramped stage to national attention.Unlike the neatly branded scenes of New York’s garage‑rock revival or London’s Libertines‑driven hype, Brighton’s early‑2000s scene resisted a single aesthetic. Rock groups emerged from rehearsal rooms and tiny clubs with wildly different looks and sounds, creating a cultural mosaic rather than a monolithic movement.Electrelane’s guitarist recalls recording their debut Rock It to the Moon in a studio once owned by the Levellers, and crafting their sophomore effort inside a former public toilet. These unconventional spaces proved surprisingly fertile, underscoring the city’s DIY spirit.By the turn of the millennium, the big‑beat dominance of Fatboy Slim and Skint Records had faded, making way for a grassroots rock surge. Sea Power relocated from Reading to Brighton, drawn by the city’s “dilapidated charm and fresh sea air”. Their self‑organized Club Sea Power nights at the Lift offered a chaotic yet liberating platform that eventually caught Rough Trade’s attention.Women played a pivotal role in shaping the scene’s infrastructure. Promoters Lisa Lout and Anna Moulson, both still active, booked seminal shows—including the Strokes’ first UK gig at the Lift in 2001—and helped launch the Great Escape festival. Their efforts ensured that bands such as the Pipettes, Electrelane and Bat for Lashes could share stages and media coverage.Artists recall the city’s palpable sense of belonging. Rose Dougall of the Pipettes describes a landscape where “alternative culture was on every street, from vintage shops to the colour of the houses,” and where “small venues made it feel attainable to launch a project.” Similarly, Brakes frontman Eamon Hamilton contrasts Brighton’s walk‑able, collaborative vibe with London’s darker, more competitive energy.Music journalism mirrored the scene’s intensity. Everett True and photographer Steve Gullick launched Careless Talk Costs Lives in 2002, a deliberately short‑run magazine that championed female writers and bands at a time when the industry was still heavily male‑dominated.As rents surged through the 2010s, many of the cheap flats, rehearsal rooms and iconic venues that underpinned the scene vanished. The Free Butt closed, independent record stores shuttered, and the once‑abundant low‑cost infrastructure dwindled, prompting a migration of creative energy down the coast to places like Margate, Ramsgate, Folkestone and Shoreham.Nevertheless, the remnants of Brighton’s network continue to nurture new talent, from the Kooks to Dream Wife and Gazelle Twin. The city’s strength lies not in a singular sound but in its capacity to host a “constant collision of wildly dissimilar bands,” allowing artists to develop authentically and fearlessly.

The chief executive of the British Horseracing Authority (BHA), Brant Dunshea, announced that the sport is prepared to consider more direct‑action protests as it confronts the government’s proposal to introduce affordability checks for punters. Last September’s one‑day strike, which forced the cancellation of four meetings, proved decisive: it helped the government abandon a planned increase in betting tax from 15% to 21%, a rise the BHA estimated would have cost the industry £330 million. Following the “Axe the Racing Tax” campaign, the BHA is now urging the government to rethink the affordability checks that could require up to 120,000 regular gamblers to provide personal documentation, according to the Betting and Gaming Council. Independent modelling by EY suggests that as many as 44,000 bettors might migrate to black‑market operators, eroding the industry’s betting turnover by tens of millions of pounds. Betting turnover has already fallen by £2 billion since 2021. The Gambling Commission is slated to decide on the checks next month, while more than 400 racing figures – including trainers and MPs – have signed an open letter to Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy demanding intervention. “Our campaign will continue, and direct action is part of our broader strategy, though we will not discuss specifics publicly,” Dunshea said. He highlighted the power of collective action, noting that the industry’s cultural and economic significance was recognised in the government’s recent budget announcement. Recent pilot schemes, involving three credit‑reference agencies, produced inconsistent outcomes for the same individuals, raising concerns that the checks could push more punters toward illegal markets. Data from Yield Sec shows that the share of the UK gambling market held by black‑market operators surged from 0.43% in 2020 to 9% last year, with £379 million wagered on unlicensed platforms that do not contribute to the exchequer. Dunshea stressed that any affordability measure must be truly frictionless. “Consumers are price‑sensitive and protective of their personal data; any intervention that feels invasive will drive them elsewhere,” he warned. Amid the upcoming Grand National at Aintree, Dunshea expressed surprise at recent comments from the RSPCA regarding horse deaths at Cheltenham, reaffirming the BHA’s commitment to a collaborative relationship with the animal‑welfare charity. He noted that over the past 25 years, the industry has invested £60 million in equine welfare, reducing fatality rates to 0.22% of runners, and emphasized that the BHA will continue to work constructively with the RSPCA despite recent tensions.