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Miami Heat coach Erik Spoelstra expressed strong disapproval of LaMelo Ball's actions during Tuesday night's play-in tournament game against the Charlotte Hornets. Spoelstra stated that Ball should have been ejected for tripping Bam Adebayo, which resulted in Adebayo's injury and subsequent absence from the game.The incident occurred early in the second quarter when Ball appeared to reach out and grab Adebayo's left leg as he fell to the floor after missing a shot. This led to Adebayo falling on his back and eventually walking to the locker room under his own power, though he did not return to the game.Spoelstra emphasized that there is no place in the game for such actions, describing the play as 'stupid' and 'dangerous'. He also mentioned that it was not an excuse for the Heat's loss but highlighted the significance of Adebayo's absence.LaMelo Ball, who scored 30 points and made the go-ahead layup in overtime, apologized for his role in Adebayo's injury. He claimed he was disoriented after being hit in the head during the drive and did not intentionally grab Adebayo's leg.The play was not reviewed or penalized in real-time, with official Zach Zarba explaining that the window to review the play was closed due to the fast-paced nature of the game and the lack of an immediate whistle.The incident has implications beyond the game, with Zarba indicating that the league operations will determine if Ball should be assessed a flagrant foul in the coming days.

Moya Brennan, the celebrated voice behind Irish folk ensemble Clannad, passed away at the age of 73 in her native County Donegal, surrounded by family. The 73‑year‑old had been living with pulmonary fibrosis and was awaiting a possible double‑lung transplant when she died peacefully. Born 4 August 1952 in Dublin as Máire Philomena Ní Bhraonáin, she grew up in a large musical family that performed in their local pub. She later honed her craft at the Royal Irish Academy of Music before co‑founding Clannad in 1970 with her brothers and two uncles. Clann2’s early breakthrough came at the Slógadh Youth Festival, where a prize‑winning performance secured a Polydor contract—though the band members were too young to sign. Their commitment to singing in the Irish language set them apart; as Brennan recalled in 2022, they felt they were “letting the language down” but fell in love with its melodies. The group’s commercial breakthrough arrived in 1983 with the album Magical Ring and its hit single “Theme from Harry’s Game.”strong> The track reached No. 5 on the UK Top 40, earned Clannad a historic appearance on Top of the Pops as the first act to perform in Irish, and paved the way for a BAFTA‑winning score for the ITV series Robin of Sherwood. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Brennan earned the moniker “first lady of Celtic music,” garnering praise from peers such as Bono of U2 and contributing vocals to major film soundtracks including Titanic and King Arthur. Her sister Eithne, later known as Enya, also emerged from Clannad before launching a wildly successful solo career. Beyond her musical achievements, Brennan’s personal journey was marked by hardship. She publicly discussed a 1972 abortion in England, subsequent substance use, an 18‑month marriage to fellow musician Pat Farrell, a miscarriage in 1987, and a brief relationship with U2’s Adam Clayton. A deepening Christian faith after the miscarriage helped her overcome addiction, and she later married photographer Tim Jarvis in 1990, a partnership she credited with ending her drug use. Her solo discography began with the critically acclaimed album Máire in 1992 and continued through 2024’s Voices & Harps IV with Cormac de Barra. Brennan also devoted considerable energy to philanthropy, working with Christian Blind Mission Ireland on projects across the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Brazil, and Tanzania, and supporting programs for those battling drug and alcohol dependency. In 2002 she officially adopted the stage name Moya Brennan, formalising the change by deed poll in 2009. Over the years she collaborated with a diverse roster of artists, from Shane MacGowan and Robert Plant to Bruce Hornsb​y, the Doobie Brothers, and Ronan Keating. Brennan is survived by her husband Tim Jarvis and their two children. In a 2022 interview she attributed her resilience in the face of her lung disease to her Christian faith, stating, “I know God is with me… that’s where my strength comes from.”

Chala Chala Nav Bala (Maze Baal, 1943) marks the debut of Asha Bhosle, who entered the film world at ten years old. Paired with her sister Lata Mangeshkar, her bright falsetto captures the youthful innocence of the Marathi romance, foreshadowing the emotive style that would define her career. Aaiye Meherbaan (Howrah Bridge, 1958) showcases Bhosle’s rise during Hindi cinema’s golden age, thanks to her partnership with composer O.P. Nayyar. The song’s sultry vibrato and lush orchestration set the tone for the film’s noir atmosphere, establishing her as a leading‑lady playback voice. Aao Huzoor Tumko (Kismat, 1968) became a chart‑topping hit, featuring intricate vocal runs over a flamenco‑style guitar. Bhosle’s lower‑register chorus broke the conventional shrillness of female playback, while her nuanced phrasing added depth to the on‑screen heroine’s drunken allure. Dum Maro Dum (Hare Rama, Hare Krishna, 1971) stands out as her most successful crossover, later sampled by Western rappers. The track, produced with R.D. Burman—her future husband—blends psychedelic Beatles‑inspired grooves with Hindi lyrics, demonstrating her ability to bridge Eastern and Western pop sensibilities. Piya Tu Ab To Aaja (Caravan, 1971) pushes the fusion further into jazz‑cabaret territory, with bold horn sections and cinematic guitar reverb. Bhosle’s breathy, suggestive delivery sparked controversy, yet the performance remains a masterclass in balancing sensuality with technical agility. Chura Liya Hai Tumne Jo Dil Ko (Yaadon Ki Baaraat, 1973) epitomises the “masala” film soundtrack, merging drama, romance, and crime. Over a gentle guitar backdrop, Bhosle’s tender humming conveys quiet longing, contrasting with the film’s high‑octane narrative. In Ankhon Ki Masti (Umrao Jaan, 1981) sees Bhoske venture into Urdu ghazals with composer Khayyam. Her lower, huskier timbre—adjusted a half‑step down—highlights her continued artistic experimentation even as she approached fifty. Bow Down Mister (1991) illustrates her early 1990s foray into international collaborations, lending wordless, soaring vocals to Boy George’s post‑Culture Club project. The track transforms into a rave‑infused anthem, underscoring Bhosle’s versatility across genres. Radha Kaise Na Jale (Lagaan, 2001) pairs Bhosle with a young A.R. Rahman, reaffirming her status as an elder stateswoman of Indian music. The duet with Udit Narayan blends tabla and flute with powerful vocal runs, marrying traditional Hindustani scales to contemporary film scoring. The Way You Dream (2002) features an unexpected partnership with REM frontman Michael Stipe on the 1 Giant Leap project. The eight‑minute piece weaves tabla rhythms, subtle guitar, and a dramatic breakbeat, proving that Bhosle’s voice can seamlessly inhabit New Age and electronic soundscapes.

Djibouti's longtime President Ismail Omar Guelleh has claimed a landslide victory in the country's latest elections, ushering in his sixth consecutive term in the Horn of Africa country.Guelleh secured 97.81 percent of the votes cast on Friday, according to official results published by Djibouti's state-run news agency.His sole opponent, Mohamed Farah Samatar, earned just 2.19 percent of votes. Samatar's Unified Democratic Centre (CDU) opposition party has no seats in parliament, and he struggled to gain recognition ahead of the polls.Guelleh, 78, wrote on X as early results arrived: “Reelected”. Politicians last year removed presidential age limits, allowing him to seek another five years in power.Voter turnout was 80.4 percent on Friday, according to Djibouti media outlets. Roughly a quarter of the population – about 256,000 people – were registered to vote.Guelleh has ruled Djibouti's population of roughly one million since 1999. Neighbouring Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia, the country is strategically located at the Bab al-Mandeb strait, which provides access to the Red Sea from the Gulf of Aden.Even as voters turned in their ballots on Friday, few doubted who would win. Thousands had gathered at Guelleh's campaign rallies ahead of the election, while his posters could be seen plastered across the capital.

Djibouti's voters are heading to the polls to choose their next president, with incumbent leader Ismail Omar Guelleh expected to easily secure a sixth term. Guelleh, 78, has been in power since 1999 and won re-election in 2021 with 98 per cent of the vote.Guelleh's only opponent is Mohamed Farah Samatar, the leader of the Unified Democratic Centre (CDU), a party with no seats in parliament. The election comes after politicians scrapped presidential age limits last year, paving the way for Guelleh to extend his 27-year rule.Human rights groups have accused authorities of abuses and repressing freedom of political activity, while the government has denied the allegations. Two main opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016.The election is being observed by several international organisations, including the African Union (AU), the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and the League of Arab States. Guelleh has governed the small nation in the Horn of Africa since 1999, when he succeeded Hassan Gouled Aptidon, the founding president of the country with about a million people.Djibouti hosts important military bases for the United States, France, China and other powers, earning it a reputation as the country with the most foreign military bases. It is also an important port hub for landlocked neighbours such as Ethiopia.

Dallas is positioning itself as a major player in the financial sector, with a bold initiative dubbed 'Y'all Street' aimed at stealing New York's financial crown. The city's aggressive push is backed by significant investments and incentives, including a $700m project by Goldman Sachs to build a new campus that will host over 5,000 staff.The Dallas-Fort Worth metro area has seen its financial sector workforce boom, surging 40% to 386,000 staff over the past decade. This growth has been fueled by multimillion-dollar subsidies and new fast-track business courts, as well as Texas's complete lack of corporation and income tax. Recent wins include a 10-year property tax break and $2.7m in grants that helped convince Scotiabank to relocate from North Carolina, bringing 1,000 jobs to the state.Nasdaq and the NYSE have also launched branches of their stock exchanges in Dallas, while a new Texas stock exchange (TXSE) is set to launch later this year with looser listing rules that are likely to appeal to right-leaning executives. The TXSE has even launched a TV ad campaign targeting New York, with a Texas longhorn shattering Wall Street's famous bull statue.Dallas's mayor, Eric Johnson, is serious about stealing finance jobs from New York, citing policy differences with liberal-leaning cities like New York as a major factor. Johnson's team is actively targeting firms put off by left-leaning policies, with a 10-person delegation sent to New York this month to meet and lure Wall Street executives southward.The city's pitches are intensifying, with a focus on being closer to big business clients and major tech firms that have shifted their center of gravity to Texas. Over the course of the 2020s, Texas surpassed California and became host to the largest number of NYSE-listed and Fortune 500 company headquarters of any American state.However, experts warn that the flood of wealthy bankers may put pressure on poorer families, particularly when it comes to rental prices. The surge in rental prices over the past 15 years has disproportionately hurt lower-income families, with rent eating up more than half their wages. Campaigners are now warning that, without targeted support, inequality across Dallas is likely to grow.To address these concerns, Dallas is trying to rapidly tackle the problem, with initiatives such as slashing parking requirements for new developments and rewriting building regulations to make it easier to push through smaller-scale developments for multi-family buildings.

Big Mama Thornton, born Willie Mae Thornton in 1926, was a force to be reckoned with in the music industry. Standing at 6ft 2in, with an imposing physique and a razor-scarred face, she exuded uncompromising intensity. Her voice conveyed struggle and defiance, fury and hurt, like few others.Thornton's music career began in the 1940s, performing with comedians, dancers, and musicians in the touring Hot Harlem Revue. In 1950, she was signed to Duke and Peacock Records and adopted the stage name 'Big Mama' by Johnny Otis. Her most famous song, 'Hound Dog', was written for her by Mike Stoller and Jerry Leiber and topped the R&B charts for nearly two months in 1953.Despite her early success, Thornton's career was marked by financial struggles and racism. She was often forced to perform animal-themed comedy songs and was underpaid by her manager, Don Robey. Her frustration with the music industry and her experiences with racism and sexism are etched in her voice, says Black British blues singer Dawnette Fessey.Thornton's legacy extends beyond her music. She was a trailblazer for Black female artists and an inspiration to many, including Janis Joplin, who recorded Thornton's song 'Ball and Chain'. A new documentary, Big Mama Thornton: I Can’t Be Anyone But Me, aims to right the wrongs of her overlooked legacy and celebrate her contributions to blues music.

Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

Max Verstappen's future in Formula One has been thrown into doubt after his long-time engineer, Gianpiero Lambiase, announced that he will be leaving Red Bull to join McLaren in 2028. Lambiase has been a crucial part of Verstappen's team since 2016, playing a key role in his four world championships.The news is a significant blow to Red Bull, as Lambiase's departure comes at a time when Verstappen has been expressing disenchantment with the current F1 regulations. The Dutch driver has been vocal about his frustration with the focus on energy management, which he believes has made the racing less enjoyable.Verstappen's contract with Red Bull runs until 2028, but performance-related escape clauses could allow him to exit before then. The team has been going through a period of change, with several key figures leaving, including Christian Horner as team principal, Adrian Newey as chief designer, and Jonathan Wheatley as sporting director.Lambiase's move to McLaren will see him take on a role supporting the team principal, Andrea Stella. The British-Italian engineer has been a close ally of Verstappen, and their partnership has been highly successful. Their radio interactions during races have been closely followed, showcasing a strong professional and personal bond.The departure of Lambiase and other key figures has raised questions about the future of Red Bull and Verstappen's commitment to the team. With the current regulations and the competitiveness of the Red Bull car, Verstappen's future in F1 is uncertain.