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The recent conflict in the Gulf has served as a harsh wake-up call for the British public regarding the state of the UK's armed forces. While air defence systems and fighter jets were swiftly deployed, the delayed arrival of a single destroyer, HMS Dragon, to Cyprus underscored concerns about Britain's military preparedness. Former Nato secretary general George Robertson criticised Keir Starmer for showing a 'corrosive complacency towards defence', warning that this put the UK in peril. In response, ministers pointed to 'decades of underinvestment' by previous governments and announced plans for the largest sustained increase in defence spending since the Cold War. The Ministry of Defence aims to spend 3.5% of GDP on defence by 2035. However, defence analysts argue that the UK's military has suffered from a 'lethal combination' of Treasury hostility to defence spending and the Ministry of Defence prioritising investment in ships and aircraft over the army. The British army has shrunk significantly since 1991, from 155,000 troops to 75,000 troops, with a reduction in armoured and infantry brigades. Defence experts, such as Ben Barry of the International Institute for Strategic Studies, blame this decline on inadequate resource allocation. Matthew Savill, director of military sciences at the Royal United Services Institute, notes that the UK has a decent spread of reasonably modern capabilities but faces several problems, including a lack of mass and reliance on allies. 'We've cut a lot of corners and in many cases we rely on our allies. That means we're particularly reliant on the US and others in certain areas and it can come back to bite,' Savill added. Britain's commitment to increase defence spending to 2.5% of GDP from April 2027 is more ambitious than France's, but experts suggest that the UK can learn from France's approach. The UK's plans have been influenced by Poland's military transformation, which has seen defence spending rise to 4.8% of GDP, the highest among Nato countries.

The Democratic National Committee's recent meeting in New Orleans ended with little to celebrate for supporters of Palestine and an end to the genocide in Gaza. Despite 77% of Democrats agreeing that 'Israel is committing genocide' in a Quinnipiac Poll last summer, and an NBC poll finding that registered Democrats are more sympathetic toward Palestinians than Israelis by a margin of 67-17%, the DNC refused to give any ground.The party's resolutions committee quickly discarded a pair of resolutions critical of Israel, one urging 'an immediate and permanent ceasefire in Gaza and the Occupied Palestinian Territory' and the other opposing 'military actions that endanger civilians or exacerbate repression' in Iran. These resolutions were shunted aside to a Middle East working group, which has scarcely met since its announcement last August.Halie Soifer, CEO of the Jewish Democratic Council of America, praised the DNC's 'rejection of two resolutions related to Israel', calling them 'out of step with the policies of the Democratic party'. This stance has been criticized as out of touch with the party's base, with Kirsten Gillibrand's claim that 'nine out of 10 Democrats are pro-Israel' being met with skepticism.The DNC's actions have been seen as a manifestation of an 'anachronistic time warp', with party leaders severely out of touch with what most Democrats currently believe about Israel. This disconnect erodes the Democratic base and indicates a level of 'moral incompetence' among decision-makers.Ben Rhodes, a former deputy national security adviser to Barack Obama, identified a 'fatal blind spot within American liberalism, a devaluation of human life itself' that aptly describes the foreign policy mentality atop the Democratic party. The DNC's actions have been criticized for ignoring the views of Democratic voters on Israel, potentially harming the party's base and alienating many.

"Bloody unacceptable" – those were the words of UN humanitarian chief Denise Brown as she condemned the failure to halt a war that has now entered its fourth year. The conflict, which began with rival generals overthrowing Sudan’s civilian leadership, has eclipsed global crises in Ukraine, Gaza and Iran, yet remains largely ignored. The Berlin‑hosted international conference aims to inject urgency into a situation where tens of thousands have been killed, four million have fled abroad, and millions more are internally displaced. Roughly 30 million Sudanese – more than half the population – now face acute food insecurity, and large swathes of Khartoum lie in ruins. Violence has not abated. The paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), led by Gen. Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, have established a rival administration in western Sudan. In the siege of El Fasher, an estimated 10,000 civilians were massacred – a UN mission described the atrocity as bearing the hallmarks of genocide. Both the RSF and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) under Gen. Abdel Fattah al‑Burhan have deliberately targeted civilians, carried out summary executions, tortured detainees and increasingly employed drones to devastate urban areas. Gen. Burhan, whose government enjoys international recognition, refuses any compromise, insisting the RSF must first disarm and retreat to camps before any national dialogue. The RSF, meanwhile, demands a new federal system and the removal of Islamist elements – a stance that directly challenges Burhan’s coalition. In September, a US‑led mediation team that included Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Egypt outlined a tentative roadmap: a humanitarian truce leading to a cease‑fire and subsequent political talks. Yet the United States has shown little appetite to prioritize Sudan, and the plan sidestepped the most contentious issues. The deeper scandal, according to diplomats and analysts, is the role of external actors in sustaining the war. Despite denials, the UAE is widely reported as the principal backer of the RSF, while Saudi Arabia and Egypt back Burhan’s forces. Recent Yale research points to Ethiopian collusion with the RSF, raising fears of a broader regional conflagration. European states, which previously funded Sudanese security to curb migration, have inadvertently strengthened the RSF and supplied weapons now used on the battlefield. The ongoing Iran‑Israel conflict further hampers relief efforts, inflating costs and limiting aid deliveries. Community kitchens that once fed countless families are disappearing – more than 40 % have closed in the past six months. The Berlin delegates must therefore boost support for Sudan’s grassroots mutual‑aid networks, but humanitarian assistance cannot replace a durable peace. Pressure on the UAE and other geopolitically motivated actors is essential if the international community hopes to halt the suffering of millions of Sudanese.

Israeli ambassador to Germany Ron Prosor publicly rebuked far‑right finance minister Bezalel Smotrich for a recent tirade aimed at Chancellor Friedrich Merz, stating that the remarks “erode the memory of the Holocaust.”Smotrich invoked Nazi‑era language, claiming Merz should bow and apologize repeatedly, and likened the Hamas attackers of October 7, 2023 to all Palestinians, prompting widespread condemnation.The controversy follows Merz’s outspoken criticism of Israel’s settlement expansion in the occupied West Bank and his call for a halt to Israeli military exports that could be used in Gaza, underscoring a deepening diplomatic rift.Prosor stressed that political debate with Germany is legitimate but affirmed that Merz remains “a great friend of Israel” and that Germany continues to be Israel’s “number one friend” despite occasional disagreements.Berlin frames Israel’s security as a cornerstone of its post‑Holocaust foreign policy, yet recent months have seen Israeli officials bristling at even cautious German criticism, especially regarding settlement projects and the prospect of a de facto annexation of the West Bank.Senior analyst Mairav Zonszein of the International Crisis Group warned that Israel’s repeated attacks on German statements defending Palestinian rights risk alienating its strongest European ally, urging Berlin to reassess its support for policies that conflict with its own human‑rights standards.

The arrest of Ahmed Shihab-Eldin, a Kuwaiti national and US-born journalist, has sparked fears about the erosion of free speech in Kuwait and the wider Middle East. Shihab-Eldin, who has worked for prominent outlets like PBS, HuffPost, and Al Jazeera English, was detained on March 3 during a visit to Kuwait. Shihab-Eldin's reporting focused on a friendly fire incident on March 2, where Kuwaiti air defenses shot down three US planes, fortunately without any pilot casualties. He published footage of a US F-15E Strike Eagle crashing in al Jahra, west of Kuwait City, and described local residents assisting the crew in a civilian truck. Campaigners worry that Shihab-Eldin might face charges under new security laws being introduced in Kuwait, possibly in a new security court. These laws have been criticized for restricting publicity about attacks on infrastructure and allowing the government to label certain reporting as terrorism. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has expressed concern over Shihab-Eldin's detention, highlighting a broader trend of escalating censorship of journalists and news outlets across the world related to the Iran war. Sara Qudah, CPJ's Middle East regional director, stated, 'We are seeing escalating censorship of journalists and news outlets across the world in relation to the Iran war... He must be freed immediately.' Kuwait has recently passed laws that define terrorism broadly and propose significant fines and sentences for publishing statements that could weaken confidence in military entities. The country has also been using citizenship laws to expel alleged dissidents and has withdrawn visas for Iraqi citizens following protests. The detention of Shihab-Eldin and these new laws reflect a wider crackdown on dissent in Kuwait and the Gulf region. Critics argue that these measures are transforming Kuwait into a police state that suppresses dissenting opinions and imprisons those who express them.

A 20‑year‑old Texas man has been formally charged after surveillance footage captured him hurling a molotov cocktail at the San Francisco home of OpenAI CEO Sam Altman and attempting to ignite the AI firm’s headquarters.The FBI affidavit, filed in federal court on Monday, identifies the suspect as Daniel Moreno‑Gama. Police say he traveled from Texas to California, carrying multiple incendiary devices, kerosene and a lighter, before the arrest.Moreno‑Gama was also found with a self‑authored “anti‑AI” manifesto that prosecutors cite as evidence of motive. The document contained explicit threats toward Altman, prompting U.S. Attorney Craig Missakian to warn that, if the evidence shows an intent to influence public policy or coerce officials, the case will be pursued as domestic terrorism.He faces charges of attempted damage and destruction of property by means of explosives and possession of an unregistered firearm. Conviction could result in a mandatory minimum of five years, up to 20 years for the explosives count, and up to 10 years for the firearm charge.The incident adds to growing scrutiny of OpenAI’s role in national security, especially amid debate over a proposed U.S. government deal to deploy its artificial‑intelligence technology in classified military operations.Authorities recovered several incendiary devices at the scene, and court records indicate Moreno‑Gama told security personnel at the headquarters that he intended to burn the building and harm its occupants.

Senator Bernie Sanders declared on Monday that he will force a vote later this week on a resolution designed to stop the sale of nearly $500 million in bombs and bulldozers to the Israeli military. The procedural maneuver bypasses the Senate majority leader, signaling a direct challenge to the administration’s policy of unconditional support for Israel.Sanders framed the measure as a response to what he described as the "extremist Netanyahu government" responsible for alleged genocide in Gaza, arguing that American taxpayers should not fund further military operations that exacerbate civilian suffering.While the Republican‑controlled Senate is unlikely to approve the resolution, the vote will serve as a barometer of Democratic sentiment toward Israel, especially as anger over the U.S.–Israel war on Iran and ongoing atrocities in Gaza and the West Bank intensifies.Last year, Sanders introduced a comparable bill that was defeated 27‑70. At that time, a majority of Senate Democrats had supported the effort, reflecting an erosion of the once‑solid bipartisan consensus backing Israel.Public opinion data underscores this shift: a February Gallup poll found that only 46 % of Americans hold favourable views of Israel, and a mere 17 % of Democratic respondents say they sympathise more with Israelis than Palestinians.Since the conflict began, the United States has provided Israel with over $21 billion in military assistance during the first two years of the Gaza war, a figure that critics argue fuels continued violence.Adding pressure from the advocacy side, liberal Zionist organization J Street issued its first call to phase out U.S. aid to the Israeli military, citing the combined impact of the Gaza war, rising extremist activity in the West Bank, and the U.S.–Israel confrontation with Iran.J Street urged Washington to consistently apply existing legal restrictions—such as the Leahy Law—that prohibit security assistance to countries implicated in human‑rights abuses, a standard it says has been routinely overlooked in Israel’s case.The upcoming Senate vote, therefore, not only tests the durability of the U.S.–Israel security partnership but also reflects a broader reevaluation of American foreign‑policy priorities amid a volatile Middle‑East landscape.

Benin’s presidential contest is tilting decisively toward the incumbent government’s nominee, Romuald Wadagni, after his only challenger, Paul Hounkpe of the Cowry Forces for an Emerging Benin party, publicly acknowledged defeat on national television. Hounkpe’s concession, aired on Monday, included a call for “republican congratulations” and a reminder that democratic health depends on mutual respect across partisan lines, as reported by AFP. Currently serving as foreign minister, Wadagni is the designated successor of President Patrice Talon, who is stepping down after two consecutive five‑year terms. The election follows a turbulent period marked by a foiled coup in late 2025, which was suppressed with the aid of Nigerian forces. Out of an electorate of nearly 8 million eligible voters, early voting proceeded at a modest pace, according to Al Jazeera correspondent Ahmed Idris reporting from Cotonou. Hounkpe’s campaign highlighted that despite a robust 7.5% GDP growth in 2024, the benefits have not sufficiently improved living standards, pointing to persistent poverty rates exceeding 30% and limited trickle‑down of economic gains. In contrast, Wadagni pledged to focus on essential services such as water access, expanded social security, and improved healthcare, positioning himself as a continuity candidate for the ruling coalition. The finance minister, who previously led the polls, was widely expected to prevail after the main opposition party, the Democrats, failed to nominate a candidate and declined to endorse Hounkpe. The Democrats also fell short of the 20% threshold needed for parliamentary representation in the January 2026 elections, securing only about 16% of the vote. Security concerns loom large for the incoming administration. The northern region continues to grapple with insurgent activity from the al‑Qaeda affiliate Jama’at Nusrat al‑Islam wal‑Muslimin (JNIM), which has inflicted heavy casualties on the military, including an attack last year that killed 54 soldiers and another incident in March that claimed 15 lives. These challenges are compounded by broader instability across the Sahel, where a succession of coups in neighboring states such as Burkina Faso, Niger, and Mali has heightened regional volatility. While Wadagni’s ascent promises policy continuity, the new president will need to address both the security vacuum in the north and the socioeconomic gap that leaves a third of Benin’s population in poverty despite recent economic growth.

Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem has strongly opposed an upcoming meeting between the Lebanese government and Israel in the United States, labeling such efforts as 'futile' amid intensified Israeli attacks on Lebanon. In a televised speech on Monday, Qassem called on the Lebanese government to take 'a historic and heroic stance' by not attending the planned talks. The Lebanese and Israeli ambassadors are set to meet in Washington, DC, on Tuesday to discuss direct negotiations between the two countries. However, Qassem argued that the talks are a ploy to pressure Hezbollah into laying down its weapons, with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu repeatedly stating that the goal is to disarm Hezbollah. Qassem emphasized that Hezbollah will not back down, stating, 'We will not rest, stop or surrender. Instead, we will let the battlefield speak for itself.' He also accused Israel of continuing its aggressive actions, including near-daily deadly attacks, despite a supposed ceasefire in effect since November 2024. Since Israel intensified its war on Lebanon in early March, at least 2,055 people have been killed, including 165 children and 87 medical workers, with over 6,500 wounded and around 1.2 million displaced. Qassem described the planned talks as a 'free concession' to Israel and the US, and called for a united Lebanese stance against negotiations. The speech followed protests in Beirut against the planned talks, with demonstrators accusing Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam of betraying the Lebanese people. The situation remains tense, with the Israeli military claiming to have surrounded the key southern town of Bint Jbeil, while Hezbollah continues to claim attacks against Israeli forces there.