Breaking AI & Tech News Analyzed

US tech firms, including Microsoft, have successfully influenced the EU to conceal the environmental impact of their datacentres, an investigation has revealed. The EU's proposal to create a database of green metrics for datacentres was amended to include a secrecy provision, almost verbatim from industry lobbying efforts in 2024. This confidentiality clause, included in EU rules, restricts public access to individual datacentre emissions data, leaving only national-level summaries of energy footprints. Researchers and legal scholars warn that this blanket confidentiality may violate EU transparency rules and the Aarhus convention on public access to environmental information. The rise of AI chatbots has led to a surge in datacentre construction, increasing demand for power, partly met by burning fossil gas. The EU aims to triple its datacentre capacity in the next five to seven years to become a global leader in artificial intelligence. Industry groups, including DigitalEurope and Video Games Europe, lobbied for the change, citing commercial interests. Microsoft stated it supports greater transparency while protecting confidential business information. Legal experts argue that the confidentiality clause contravenes EU transparency rules and the Aarhus convention. The EU is obliged to ensure systematic availability of environmental information to the public under the convention.

Modern combat has been reshaped by the Russia‑Ukraine war, the Gaza clashes, India‑Pakistan skirmishes and the recent US‑Israel strikes on Iran, driving an unprecedented global appetite for drones, missiles and sophisticated air‑defence systems. Turkey, a leading military power in the Middle East, is positioning itself as a key supplier in this booming market. At the heart of Turkey’s push is Roketsan, a firm founded in 1988 to equip the Turkish Armed Forces. Today the company exports to roughly 50 nations and is counted among the fastest‑growing defence enterprises worldwide. Bypassing Western embargoes has been a catalyst for this growth. After the United States imposed CAATSA sanctions in 2020 and removed Turkey from the F‑35 programme, Ankara was forced to develop an indigenous defence ecosystem. The result is a network of nearly 4,000 small and medium‑sized enterprises that now supplies over 90 % of the components used in Turkish weapons. Financially, the strategy is paying off. In 2025 Turkish defence exports reached $10 billion. Roketsan’s General Manager Murat Ikinci told Al Jazeera the firm sits at 71st place among global defence firms and is targeting a climb into the top 50, then top 20, and ultimately the top 10 by the end of the decade. To fuel this ambition, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan inaugurated a suite of new facilities last week, including: Europe’s largest warhead production plant. A new R&D centre employing 1,000 engineers. The “Kirikkale” complex dedicated to rocket‑fuel research. Infrastructure for mass‑producing ballistic and cruise missiles. The construction represents a $1 billion outlay, with an additional $2 billion earmarked for scaling up production capacity. Roketsan’s R&D engine—the third‑largest in Turkey with 3,200 engineers—draws heavily on lessons from ongoing wars. The Ukraine conflict highlighted the effectiveness of cheap FPV and AI‑guided kamikaze drones, prompting Roketsan to field systems such as the ALKA and BURC air‑defences and the laser‑guided CIRIT missile. Recent US‑Israel operations against Iran have underscored the threat posed by low‑cost Iranian‑designed Shahed drones, now upgraded with Russian “Kometa‑B” anti‑jamming modules. These swarms have overwhelmed regional defences and even struck a British base in Cyprus in March 2026, while NATO intercepted three Iranian ballistic missiles that entered Turkish airspace. In response, Roketsan is advancing the “Tayfun” (Typhoon) missile family. The flagship Tayfun Block 4 is a hypersonic ballistic missile designed to pierce advanced air‑defence layers at extreme speeds. When pressed for specifics, Ikinci declined to disclose the exact range, noting only that it is “sufficient.” Strategically, Turkey is shifting away from Western dependence toward an “Eastern” partnership model. Roketsan now offers joint production and technology‑development agreements, establishing co‑located facilities and R&D centres across the Middle East, Far East and Europe. Qatar has been cited as a flagship example of this collaborative approach. Roketsan has identified five priority product lines to meet rising global demand: Long‑range ballistic and cruise missiles. Advanced air‑defence systems, including “Steel Dome”, Hisar‑A, Hisar‑O and Siper. Submarine‑launched cruise missiles leveraging the AKYA system. Smart micro‑munitions for armed drones. Long‑range air‑to‑air missiles, a capability highlighted by the recent India‑Pakistan clash. The timing is critical. Ongoing conflicts have depleted the stockpiles of high‑end air‑defence assets worldwide. During the US‑Israel‑Iran confrontation, the United States relied heavily on Patriot and THAAD systems, raising concerns that interceptor inventories could run low. Gulf states, which have logged over 1,000 drone sightings in their airspace, are actively seeking alternative solutions—an opening that Turkey’s self‑sufficient supply chain is poised to fill. Analysts warn that even major powers like the United States will need years to rebuild their air‑defence inventories due to the complexity of production. Turkey’s claim of near‑complete domestic manufacturing positions it as a ready supplier for nations eager to diversify away from traditional Western sources. As demand for missiles and drones surges, Roketsan is reinvesting its revenues into expanding production infrastructure, aiming to cement its place among the world’s elite defence exporters.

Beirut, Lebanon – In late March, authorities abandoned a proposed shelter for war‑displaced residents in the Karantina neighbourhood after a wave of public protest.Opponents, including local politicians and community activists, cited practical concerns such as traffic congestion near the port and health risks. However, the core of the backlash was sectarian: many Christian residents invoked demographic fears, chanting slogans reminiscent of the 1975‑1990 Lebanese Civil War to block housing for the predominantly Shia‑Muslim displaced population.The controversy resurfaced painful memories of the 1976 Karantina massacre, when right‑wing Phalangist forces expelled and killed thousands of Muslims. Historian Diala Lteif, researching the district’s history, estimates the death toll at 1,000‑3,000. She warned that the current rhetoric mirrors the “foundational logic” of that tragedy – a drive to segregate neighbourhoods.Israel’s intensified campaign against Lebanon has already forced the displacement of approximately 1.2 million people. The war, reignited on March 2 after Hezbollah’s retaliatory rocket fire, has seen Israeli troops and air strikes devastate southern towns and parts of Beirut, heightening fears that hosting displaced families could draw further attacks.Amid these tensions, a 10‑day ceasefire is slated to begin, yet many Lebanese worry the violence could spiral into renewed communal conflict or even a civil war.Experts note that the association of displaced Shia communities with Hezbollah fuels anxiety. Lara Deeb, an anthropologist at Scripps College, explained that Lebanon’s sectarian political system blurs the line between a religious group and a political party, amplifying mistrust across the board.While the cancelled site remains unused, another displacement centre operated by the Lebanese charity Offre Joie continues to function in Karantina. It currently shelters about 1,000 displaced families from the south, the Bekaa Valley, and Beirut’s southern suburbs.Volunteer Marie Daou described the centre’s conditions as comparatively decent, with reliable hot water and regular meals. Security forces monitor the residents’ identities, and no occupants have left despite more than 40 days of conflict.One resident, 30‑year‑old Nadine, fled her home in Burj al‑Barajneh on March 2. She now lives with five siblings at the centre, saying, “For now, we’re staying here. You can’t go back because there is danger, but nowhere is safe. We will endure.”The episode highlights how historic sectarian wounds intersect with today’s geopolitical crisis, shaping public policy and community responses in a Lebanon already strained by war and displacement.

In a rare display of bipartisan cooperation, lawmakers across the US Congress are demanding greater accountability for sexual misconduct. This week, two US representatives, Eric Swalwell and Tony Gonzales, resigned amid a flood of allegations. Their departures have been hailed as a significant step towards addressing the issue.Representatives Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, a Democrat, and Lauren Boebert, a Republican, have been at the forefront of the calls for accountability. Ocasio-Cortez described the resignations as “an important turning point” and emphasized that “abuse of power should never be accepted, especially in public office”. She also named Republican Cory Mills, who is under investigation for sexual misconduct, as the next lawmaker who should resign.Boebert has taken steps to strip Swalwell and Gonzales of their federal pensions and has urged those facing harassment in Congress to come forward. She said, “If your boss is mistreating you, or someone else in the office, tell somebody – come to my office. If you want to remain anonymous, remain anonymous”.The allegations against Swalwell and Gonzales are serious. Five women have publicly accused Swalwell of sexual abuse, with one accuser claiming he drugged and raped her in 2018. Gonzales admitted to having an affair with a staff member in 2024, which is prohibited by the House code of conduct.Lawmakers are now pushing for stricter rules and a safer environment for reporting misconduct. Representative Jackie Speier condemned the tendency for Congress to “basically look the other way” and called on leadership to take action.This movement towards accountability has been likened to the bipartisan push to compel the administration of US President Donald Trump to release investigative documents related to Jeffrey Epstein. The effort to hold lawmakers accountable for their actions marks a significant shift in the culture of Congress.

Israeli military chief Eyal Zamir authorized five soldiers from the Force 100 unit to resume reserve service after the top military prosecutor dismissed all charges linked to an alleged sexual assault on a Palestinian detainee at the Sde Teiman detention camp. The decision comes while an internal military inquiry into the soldiers’ conduct remains open; Israeli Army Radio reports that some of the reservists have already been redeployed to active combat roles. In a statement cited by Haaretz, the army emphasized that “the investigation does not prevent them from continuing to serve … the command‑level investigation will be completed as soon as possible.” Charges were withdrawn last month by Israel’s senior military lawyer, ending a case that had become one of the most contentious in recent Israeli history. The original indictment alleged that the soldiers stabbed the detainee with a sharp object near his rectum, causing cracked ribs, a punctured lung and an internal tear. Prison doctor Yoel Donchin told reporters he was initially shocked by the severity of the injuries, assuming they were inflicted by a rival armed group. Military Advocate General Itay Offir explained that the indictments were scrapped due to “complexities in the evidentiary structure” and “difficulties” arising after the detainee’s release to the Gaza Strip. Human‑rights organisations, led by Amnesty International, condemned the reinstatement as “yet another unconscionable chapter” in a legal system they say routinely grants impunity for grave crimes against Palestinians. The group noted that only one Israeli soldier has ever been sentenced for torturing a Palestinian detainee. Broader reports, including a February study by the Committee to Protect Journalists, document widespread abuse—ranging from beatings and starvation to sexual assault—experienced by Palestinians held in Israeli custody.

West Bengal’s electoral rolls have been slashed by over nine million names, representing roughly 12 % of the state’s 76 million registered voters, after the Election Commission of India (ECI) completed its Special Intensive Revision (SIR) earlier this month. The purge has hit the Muslim community hardest. In districts where Muslims form a sizable share of the electorate, deletions total 460,000 in Murshidabad, 330,000 in North 24 Parganas and 240,000 in Malda. Analysts say the pattern suggests a strategic effort to reshape the voter base ahead of the assembly election scheduled for April 23 and April 29, with results due on May 4. One of the most striking cases is that of Nabijan Mondal, 73, who has voted in every national, state and local election for the past five decades. She discovered her name missing from the new list because her voter card bears the nickname “Nabijan” while her Aadhaar and ration cards use the formal name “Nabirul.” Her husband, children and their spouses remain on the roll, leaving her unable to vote. Overall, nearly six million of the removed voters were classified as absent, shifted, dead or duplicate, while the remaining three million must appeal to special tribunals. However, the Supreme Court of India has ruled that those with pending tribunal cases cannot cast ballots in the upcoming election, though it may permit the ECI to issue supplementary lists. West Bengal’s Muslim population stands at about 25 million (27 % of the state’s 106 million residents). The Trinamool Congress (TMC), led by Mamata Banerjee, has governed the state since 2011 and relies heavily on Muslim support to counter the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Banerjee has accused the ECI of partisan bias, claiming the SIR was “selectively applied … to benefit the BJP.” Conversely, the BJP frames the revision as a necessary measure against “illegal infiltrators,” linking the exercise to concerns over cross‑border migration from Bangladesh and Rohingya refugees. Independent research by the Kolkata‑based SABAR Institute supports the allegation of disproportionate impact. In the contested constituencies of Nandigram and Bhabanipur, where the BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari is challenging TMC leaders, over 95 % of the deleted names in Nandigram were Muslims, and 40 % of deletions in Bhabanipur involved Muslim voters, despite Muslims comprising only 25 % and 20 % of the respective populations. Women appear especially vulnerable. Legal scholar Swati Narayan notes that patrilocal customs and frequent name changes after marriage create documentation gaps that the SIR process penalises. Jesmina Khatun, a 31‑year‑old from Gobindapur, lost her name over a minor spelling inconsistency in her father’s surname, illustrating how minor clerical errors can disenfranchise voters. Political commentator Yogendra Yadav warns that the SIR places an “excessive burden” on female voters, who must produce proof from their natal homes while men can rely on documents from their current residence. With tribunals unlikely to clear the backlog before polling day, thousands of eligible citizens risk being excluded from a pivotal election that could reshape the political landscape of India’s most populous state.

The Golden State Warriors have kept their NBA playoff hopes alive with a thrilling 126-121 comeback victory over the Los Angeles Clippers in a Western Conference play-in game. Stephen Curry led the charge with a game-high 35 points, including a crucial deep 3-pointer with 50.4 seconds remaining to put the Warriors ahead for good.However, it was Al Horford who stole the show with his late-game heroics. The 39-year-old veteran had just two points off the bench before his pivotal outburst, finishing with 14 points. Horford connected on four 3-pointers in the final 5:37, including the game-ending baskets, as part of a 27-13 Golden State run to seal the win.The Warriors' victory eliminates the Clippers and sets up a sudden-death matchup against the Phoenix Suns in Phoenix on Friday to determine the West's No. 8 seed and the Oklahoma City Thunder's first-round playoff opponent. Stephen Curry's seven makes on 12 attempts from beyond the arc paced the Warriors to a 19-of-41 long-range barrage (46.3 percent).Other key contributors for the Warriors included Gui Santos with 20 points, six rebounds, and five assists, and Kristaps Porzingis with 20 points. For the Clippers, Darius Garland and Kawhi Leonard each finished with 21 points, while Bennedict Mathurin led Los Angeles with 23 points off the bench.In other NBA play-in action, Tyrese Maxey scored a team-high 31 points to lead the Philadelphia 76ers to a 109-97 victory over the Orlando Magic, securing the 76ers' spot in the Eastern Conference playoffs as the seventh seed.

Pakistani officials have expressed confidence that a significant diplomatic breakthrough could emerge from the latest round of U.S.–Iran negotiations, with Islamabad intensifying its role as mediator in a conflict that has already claimed thousands of lives. On Wednesday, a senior Pakistani delegation led by Army Chief Asim Munir landed in Tehran to deliver a message from Washington to Iranian leaders, according to Iran’s Press TV. The envoy was welcomed by Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, who thanked Pakistan for its "gracious hosting of dialogue" and indicated that groundwork is being laid for a second U.S.–Iran round of talks. Al Jazeera analyst Osama Bin Javaid noted that Pakistani officials anticipate a "major breakthrough on the nuclear front," with messages shuttling continuously between the two capitals. The core dispute centers on the length of any Iranian enrichment freeze—ranging from a proposed five‑year to a twenty‑year moratorium—and the disposition of Iran’s 440 kilograms of highly enriched uranium. Options under discussion include exporting the material, diluting it to natural uranium, or reducing enrichment to a maximum of 3 %. Pakistan’s diplomatic push follows a stalled U.S.–Iran session in Islamabad that ended without a cease‑fire agreement. Mediators are now concentrating on three pivotal issues: the nuclear programme, control of the strategic Strait of Hormuz—which Tehran has effectively closed, driving up global oil prices—and compensation for wartime damages. The conflict, ignited by the United States and Israel on 28 February, has resulted in more than 3,000 Iranian deaths and prompted retaliatory strikes against Gulf states. It has also reignited hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon, where over 2,000 casualties have been reported since early March. A cease‑fire declared on 8 April halted attacks in Iran and the Gulf, yet Israeli operations in southern Lebanon have persisted. Simultaneously, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif embarked on a regional tour to Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey, a move described by Bin Javaid as a "double‑pronged strategy" aimed at neutralising opposition to a potential deal. According to the White House, President Donald Trump signalled optimism on Tuesday, suggesting the war could conclude within "an amazing two days" and that it is "very close to over." Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt later described the Pakistan‑facilitated talks as "productive and ongoing," adding that further negotiations are likely to take place in Islamabad. Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs confirmed that message exchanges with the United States have continued via Pakistani channels, with spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei stating that Tehran’s positions have been communicated. Nevertheless, tensions linger. A U.S. naval blockade of Iranian ports in the Strait of Hormuz remains active; U.S. Central Command reported turning back nine vessels as of Wednesday. Iran’s military denounced the blockade as a breach of the cease‑fire, and the Iranian joint command chief, Ali Abdollahi, warned of possible retaliation by disrupting trade routes through the Red Sea, the Gulf and the Sea of Oman if the blockade persists.

Eddie Howe finds himself under unprecedented pressure as April brings a familiar sting: Newcastle United sit 14th in the Premier League with only six games left to convince the board that his tenure should continue. The club’s hierarchy, led by sporting director Ross Wilson and chief executive David Hopkinson, faces a stark financial reality. To stay within European and Premier League spending rules, Newcastle will likely need to sell at least one, possibly two, of Sandro Tonali, Anthony Gordon and Tino Livramento before the September transfer window. If the team fails to qualify for Europe, all three may demand exits. Last summer’s transfer activity has drawn criticism. The £125 million received from Alexander Isak’s sale to Liverpool was funneled into a £220 million spending spree on Nick Woltemade, Yoane Wissa, Anthony Elanga and Jacob Ramsey. Yet all four starters began the season on the bench, and Newcastle have lost 25 points from winning positions this campaign, including a 2‑1 defeat to Crystal Palace. Adding to the woes, Woltemade – a £69 million acquisition – appears ill‑suited to Howe’s preferred 4‑3‑5 formation. Despite scoring ten goals, his size and pace make him more of a deep‑lying No 10 than a traditional centre‑forward, forcing him to operate in midfield. Howe’s tactical rigidity is also under scrutiny. His high‑pressing, counter‑attacking 4‑3‑3 system, which delivered Champions League spots and a Carabao Cup triumph in previous seasons, now seems predictable. Opponents have adapted, and Newcastle have kept only three clean sheets in their last 25 league matches, often burning out after the 75‑minute mark. Critics point to a lack of fresh ideas within the coaching staff. Howe’s long‑standing backroom team, headed by assistant Jason Tindall, has remained largely unchanged since their Bournemouth days, potentially fostering a “group‑think” mentality. Former defender‑turned‑analyst John Anderson argues that “a fresh pair of eyes” could rejuvenate the squad, citing Sir Alex Ferguson’s practice of periodically bringing in new coaches. The club’s Saudi owners, already displeased by recent defeats to promoted Sunderland, may be reconsidering the level of autonomy granted to Howe and his nephew Andy Howe in player recruitment. The upcoming match against Bournemouth holds added significance, as Howe has never beaten his former club in a league encounter. Ultimately, Howe’s future hinges on two factors: his willingness to cede some control over recruitment and his ability to embrace new coaching perspectives. Even a short‑term revival in the next six games could restore boardroom confidence, but a failure may end his five‑year spell at St James’ Park.