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US tech firms, including Microsoft, have successfully influenced the EU to conceal the environmental impact of their datacentres, an investigation has revealed. The EU's proposal to create a database of green metrics for datacentres was amended to include a secrecy provision, almost verbatim from industry lobbying efforts in 2024. This confidentiality clause, included in EU rules, restricts public access to individual datacentre emissions data, leaving only national-level summaries of energy footprints. Researchers and legal scholars warn that this blanket confidentiality may violate EU transparency rules and the Aarhus convention on public access to environmental information. The rise of AI chatbots has led to a surge in datacentre construction, increasing demand for power, partly met by burning fossil gas. The EU aims to triple its datacentre capacity in the next five to seven years to become a global leader in artificial intelligence. Industry groups, including DigitalEurope and Video Games Europe, lobbied for the change, citing commercial interests. Microsoft stated it supports greater transparency while protecting confidential business information. Legal experts argue that the confidentiality clause contravenes EU transparency rules and the Aarhus convention. The EU is obliged to ensure systematic availability of environmental information to the public under the convention.

For the first time, a detailed map identifies the UK’s most severe ammonia pollution hotspots in regions where intensive pig and poultry farms are most concentrated.The analysis, produced by Compassion in World Farming (CiWF) and the environmental group Sustain, shows the highest emission densities in Lincolnshire, Herefordshire and Norfolk. These counties host a large number of confined‑livestock units that drive dangerous levels of ammonia, a nitrogen‑based gas primarily released from animal manure.In the United Kingdom, agriculture accounts for 89% of national ammonia emissions. When released into the atmosphere, ammonia reacts with other pollutants to form fine particulate matter (PM2.5), a leading cause of premature death. The Committee on the Medical Effects of Air Pollutants (COMEAP) estimated that PM2.5 exposure caused between 28,861 and 29,000 early deaths in 2010.The timing of the report is notable: the government is currently reviewing planning regulations that would make it easier to approve new intensive livestock facilities, despite growing concerns over air quality, water contamination and local opposition.Health professionals warn that ammonia‑derived PM2.5 fuels heart disease, stroke, asthma and chronic lung conditions. Dr Amir Khan, a GP and CiWF patron, said, “As a GP, I see first‑hand the toll that air pollution takes on people’s health – and ammonia from intensive farming is a major, yet often overlooked, part of that problem.”Beyond human health, excess nitrogen from ammonia deposition acidifies soils and pollutes rivers. Recent activism in Shropshire halted a proposed poultry megafarm of 230,000 chickens after campaigners argued the council failed to assess the full environmental impact.Rising numbers of industrial poultry units—known as IPUs—along the River Wye and River Severn valleys are identified as a key driver of river pollution. Chicken manure is especially rich in phosphates, which deplete oxygen in waterways and threaten aquatic life.Calculations for the map were based on permitted stocking numbers and average ammonia production factors for different livestock categories, including broiler chickens, indoor egg layers and pigs.Local residents are already feeling the impact. Michele Franks, who lives near a Lincolnshire poultry megafarm, described how shed clean‑outs force her to stay indoors, causing “chest tightness, eye irritation and breathing difficulties” that can last for days.CiWF and Sustain are calling for an end to the expansion of factory farming. Anthony Field, head of Compassion in World Farming UK, warned, “Factory farming sits at the heart of the UK’s ammonia crisis. By cramming large numbers of animals into confined spaces and relying heavily on fertilisers, these intensive systems release far more ammonia than the environment or our bodies can cope with.”

In 2020, several nations—including the UK and India—announced ambitious bans on new internal‑combustion‑engine vehicles, while Norway already saw around 60% of new car sales being electric. Australia, however, remained on a different trajectory. Former Prime Minister Scott Morrison dismissed a Labor proposal for a non‑binding 50% electric‑vehicle target by 2030, claiming it would “end the weekend.” The Coalition ignored analyses suggesting that a robust emissions‑cut scheme could deliver a $14 billion net benefit by 2040, and later abandoned plans for an EV‑specific strategy. Five years on, the Albanese government has introduced a vehicle‑efficiency standard mandating annual reductions in average emissions from new cars. Though a long‑awaited move, the policy’s impact will be incremental rather than transformative. March saw a record number of Australians purchasing EVs, yet the market share remains modest—still under 15% of new car sales, up only slightly from 13% in 2025. With fuel prices soaring amid the Iran conflict, the majority of vehicles leaving showrooms are still powered by petrol or diesel, and many will stay on the road for the next 15‑20 years. One bright spot is the surge in second‑hand EV sales, which more than doubled last month despite a tiny baseline. Higher resale values are encouraging broader adoption by making electric cars financially accessible to a larger pool of buyers. Globally, electric vehicles accounted for roughly 25% of new car sales last year. In Australia, the price differential between comparable petrol and electric models averages around 20%, a significant barrier for many consumers. That gap is narrowing, and the potential savings for EV drivers are substantial. Data from energy analyst Simon Holmes à Court—using Amber electricity retailer figures—show that an EV can travel over 40 km per $1 of energy, whereas a conventional car manages less than 5 km per $1 of fuel. Amber’s own smart‑charging platform suggests the distance could reach 160 km per $1 under optimal conditions. Despite such evidence, Australian political discourse often struggles to envision a low‑fossil‑fuel future. Calls for expanded oil exploration, such as Queensland Premier David Crisafulli’s claim of a “sea of oil” in the Taroom trough, lack substantiation and would likely involve costly, long‑term development with uncertain returns. Compounding the issue, the mining sector—Australia’s biggest diesel consumer—receives a 52‑cent‑per‑litre rebate under a national fuel‑tax credit scheme, effectively subsidising over $1 billion annually for diesel use in coal mines. This incentive discourages investment in cleaner truck technologies, even as the safeguard mechanism attempts to curb emissions. Policy recommendations include tightening the vehicle‑efficiency standard to accelerate the shift toward cleaner cars, removing parallel‑import restrictions to boost the supply of affordable second‑hand EVs (as practiced in New Zealand), and reconsidering any road‑user charges on electric vehicles, which currently represent less than 2% of the total fleet. International examples offer guidance: China jump‑started its EV boom by issuing “green” licence plates and imposing hefty fees for fossil‑fuel plates, effectively raising the cost of owning a petrol car by up to $20,000. In sum, Australia’s delayed embrace of electric mobility not only hampers climate goals but also forfeits billions in economic gains. A decisive, well‑targeted policy overhaul could unlock significant consumer savings, reduce emissions, and align the nation with global EV trends.

Great Britain is on the verge of a record‑breaking summer of wind and solar generation, creating the possibility of the first zero‑carbon electricity periods in the nation’s power system.The government’s ambition to achieve a 95% gas‑free grid by 2030 underpins this push, as electrified transport, heat pumps and low‑carbon industry will need a clean power supply to meet climate targets.National Grid ESO (Neso) forecasts that on sunny weekend afternoons the grid could have more renewable power than demand, leaving excess capacity that would otherwise be wasted.To turn surplus into savings, Neso is urging households and businesses to shift flexible loads—such as charging electric vehicles, running dishwashers or doing laundry—to those high‑renewable windows.Leading suppliers Octopus Energy and British Gas have confirmed participation, offering special tariffs that reward consumers for using electricity when it is abundant.British Gas’s “PeakSave” scheme, for example, provides half‑price electricity from 11 am to 4 pm on Sundays, with an even cheaper “Super Sunday” option from 9 am to 5 pm. The company says the tariff has saved over £45 million for more than 1 million customers since its 2023 launch. Octopus Energy reports helping 2 million households save about £11 million, including £3 million in free electricity during periods of high renewable output.Other providers—including Ovo Energy and EDF Energy—offer similar “time‑of‑use” tariffs that charge higher rates when renewables are scarce, giving price‑sensitive users a clear incentive to shift consumption.Beyond bill reductions, flexible demand curtails the need for “constraint payments” to wind and solar farms—payments that reached almost £1.5 billion last year. By encouraging consumers to “turn up” rather than forcing generators to “turn down,” the grid can avoid these costly curtailments.Businesses are also joining the flexibility movement. Tech firms report that adaptable energy use can cut datacenter grid costs by up to 5% and slash emissions by as much as 40%. Danish engineering group Danfoss estimates that if datacentres operated flexibly for just 1% of the time, the pipeline of new facilities expected by 2035 could be accommodated without overloading the grid.In short, leveraging surplus renewable power now—through smart tariffs and demand‑shifting—offers a cheaper, faster alternative to massive storage or grid‑upgrade projects, while delivering tangible savings for consumers and a decisive step toward a low‑carbon British electricity system.

Nelson Mandela once claimed sport could spark hope where despair prevailed – a sentiment that now feels overly optimistic as climate change threatens every arena, from football pitches to alpine slopes.Extreme weather events are already cancelling competitions and rendering venues unplayable through floods, wildfires and storms. Rising heat and air‑pollution expose athletes to heat‑related illnesses, asthma and cardiovascular strain, while also increasing injury risk and diminishing performance for officials and spectators alike.Countries most vulnerable to climate impacts face the harshest sporting challenges. As Barbados Prime Minister Mia Mottley warned, athletes must compete on the conditions that exist, not on idealised pitches, while wealthier nations and governing bodies often look the other way.Historian David Goldblatt estimates sport’s carbon footprint rivals that of a small‑ to medium‑sized nation – roughly the emissions of Cuba to Poland. Yet the industry continues to chase growth, attracting sponsorship from fossil‑fuel giants and even entities reminiscent of the tobacco era.A 2024 “Dirty Money” report by the New Weather Institute revealed that state‑owned and private fossil‑fuel companies have poured at least $5.6 billion (£4.2 billion) into global sport across 205 active deals. The recent Milan‑Cortina Winter Olympics relied on oil major Eni to fund artificial snow, while the upcoming men’s football World Cup – labelled the “most polluting ever” by Scientists for Global Responsibility – will be plastered with ads from Aramco, the world’s largest corporate greenhouse‑gas emitter, with emissions projected to be 92 % higher than typical tournaments between 2010‑2022.Fans and grassroots organisations are pushing back. Groups such as Surfers Against Sewage, Fossil Free Football, FrontRunners and Protect Our Winters are mobilising, while clubs like Forest Green Rovers and athletes such as Australian cricket captain Pat Cummins are publicly denouncing fossil‑fuel ties.Alternative sponsorships are emerging: Northern Rail backs the Rugby Super League, Metrobank partners with cricket, and Oxford United’s limited‑edition shirt celebrates John Ruskin’s “Study of a Wild Rose,” linking sport to environmental heritage.“The Hotspot” aims to surface the most compelling stories, analyse data, and chart a path forward for sport in a warming world. As the planet races toward a climatic finish line, sport must deliver its own last‑second victory.This excerpt is from the inaugural issue of The Hotspot newsletter. To subscribe, visit this page and follow the instructions.

National Gas announced that the United Kingdom will have enough gas to satisfy summer demand despite recent tensions in the Strait of Hormuz. The network, which runs the country’s gas pipelines, says domestic and Norwegian supplies will cover the low‑usage months, meaning liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports will be minimal this summer. The real challenge lies ahead. While renewable rollout is accelerating, gas will remain a core part of the UK’s energy mix for at least the next two decades. It accounts for about 37% of total gas consumption in 2024, with domestic heating being the largest single use. Replacing millions of boilers with heat pumps cannot happen quickly, especially given the current sluggish pace. Government plans for 2030 still require the full 35 GW of gas‑fired generation capacity to stay online as backup. Energy department data released in early 2025 showed gas demand “broadly stable” for the third consecutive year, representing roughly half of the nation’s 75.2% fossil‑fuel dependency. In the debate over new North Sea drilling licences, the key question is where future gas will come from. Oxford energy economist Sir Dieter Helm, speaking on a Chatham House podcast, warned that gas will dominate the energy supply for the next decade or two and that the cheapest, least polluting option is pipeline gas—not LNG. Analysis from Wood Mackenzie confirms this hierarchy. Pipeline gas from modern Norwegian platforms has the lowest carbon intensity, followed by UK North Sea pipelines. By contrast, LNG adds significant emissions during liquefaction and regasification, and US LNG is the most carbon‑intensive because much of it originates from shale gas with higher methane leakage. Wood Mackenzie’s import forecasts to 2045 paint a stark picture: if domestic production wanes, the UK could rely on US LNG for over 60% of its total gas supply by 2035. The firm notes that Middle‑East gas is geared toward Asian markets, while US cargoes are increasingly directed to Europe, raising concerns about over‑reliance on a single supplier. These projections underpin the argument for expanding UK North Sea extraction. More domestic drilling would reduce dependence on US LNG—a geopolitical risk given the United States’ tendency to use energy as a foreign‑policy lever—and would also lower the overall carbon footprint of the gas supply chain. Critics often claim that North Sea output is exported, so it does not improve national security. Two counter‑points are clear: first, gas delivered directly via pipeline to the UK network is inherently more secure than trans‑Atlantic cargoes; second, the UK could negotiate long‑term, fixed‑price contracts with producers, a model that worked well in the early days of North Sea development. None of this diminishes the importance of renewables and nuclear power. Electrification remains the long‑term goal, but gas will stay in the energy basket for years to come. Offshore Energies UK estimates that, with a pragmatic licensing approach, reliance on LNG could be limited to 6% of total gas supplies by 2035. Assuming political stalemate eases, the pending approval of the Jackdaw field—accounting for roughly 6% of current domestic production—could spark a more nuanced debate about the UK’s gas procurement strategy, moving beyond the simplistic “renewables vs. gas” narrative. Reflecting on the recent Iran‑UK conflict, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak highlighted the need for “secure, homegrown energy”. The logical follow‑up is twofold: accelerate electrification to cut gas demand, and while gas remains essential, avoid turning the UK into an “energy prisoner of the US”. Beyond the geopolitical and environmental benefits, expanding North Sea output would also support jobs, tax revenue, and the balance of payments.

The 2018 World Cup in Russia served as a high‑profile platform for Vladimir Putin, showcasing his nation and bolstering his personal legitimacy. The tournament was effectively a diplomatic bow to the Kremlin’s ambitions.Fast‑forward to the summer of 2026, and the buildup to the event has taken on a distinctly American flavour, with the competition becoming a backdrop for Donald Trump’s political narrative.The next edition, slated for 2034 in Saudi Arabia, presents a fresh set of challenges. Despite the kingdom’s controversial human‑rights record, the event offers Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman an opportunity to polish his and the nation’s image. FIFA’s current reluctance to enforce independent oversight of migrant‑worker conditions raises fears that construction could be as deadly as the 2022 Qatar experience.These developments underscore a pressing need to insulate the World Cup from the whims of powerful leaders. One proposed solution is to fragment the tournament—treating it like a monopoly that has become too dominant.Evidence that this approach is feasible already exists: the 2026 World Cup will be co‑hosted by three nations, and the 2030 edition is set to span six countries across three continents (Spain, Portugal, Morocco, Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay).Building on that, the author suggests a radical redesign: allocate each group stage to a different global city—Paris, Rio de Janeiro, Tokyo, Sydney, Johannesburg, London, the Basque Country, and so on. Knock‑out rounds could be broken into three‑match clusters and scattered worldwide, with the semi‑finals, final, and third‑place match awarded to the highest‑bidding venue.Carbon‑footprint concerns are addressed by noting that teams already travel long distances to a single host nation; distributing groups based on the median distance to participating teams would not significantly increase emissions.Financially, the cost of staging a traditional, single‑host World Cup has ballooned, limiting the pool of viable bidders to those seeking political or economic leverage. A decentralized format would dilute any single leader’s ability—whether Trump, Putin, or the Saudi crown prince—to manipulate the event for personal gain.Decentralisation would still align with FIFA’s stated objectives: expanding the sport’s reach, creating a truly global spectacle, and bringing football closer to fans worldwide.While FIFA claims a fiduciary duty to maximise revenue for its 211 member associations—justifying steep ticket prices and controversial sponsorships—the proposed model could actually enhance revenue by turning each small cluster of matches into premium, high‑value events.Precedent exists in the form of Euro 2020, which, despite being postponed by the pandemic, successfully unfolded across 11 European cities, delivering record‑breaking goal tallies and strong attendance figures.In sum, the most effective way to protect the World Cup’s cultural significance and prevent its exploitation by authoritarian figures may be to deconstruct and disperse it globally, turning a single‑host behemoth into a series of interconnected, locally hosted celebrations of the sport.

The ongoing global finance talks between the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank Group (WBG) have taken a contentious turn. Governments are being urged not to mention climate change, despite its growing impacts and the pressing need for climate finance.The climate crisis has significant implications for developing countries, which are already paying billions to repair damage from droughts, floods, and storms. The World Bank Group aims to devote 35% of its funding to climate-related activities, but US pressure may hinder these efforts.US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has demanded the removal of some climate finance targets from the World Bank's aims, insisting on an 'all-of-the-above approach to energy' that includes financing for gas, oil, and coal. This move has sparked alarm among other countries, including large developed economies.Experts warn that sidelining climate change discussions would be disastrous for the developing world. Mohamed Adow, director of the Power Shift Africa thinktank, described the situation as 'beyond absurd', emphasizing that fossil fuels and the climate emergency are inextricably linked.The World Bank is the biggest single source of climate funding, and many donor countries channel their climate finance largely through the multilateral development banks. At the Cop29 UN climate summit in Azerbaijan in 2024, countries agreed that at least $1.3tn a year should flow to the developing world by 2035 to help countries cut greenhouse gas emissions and cope with the impacts of extreme weather.Lord Stern, a former World Bank chief economist, suggested that much could still be achieved without formally labelling projects as climate-related, emphasizing that investing in low-carbon infrastructure and energy systems is crucial for sustainable development.

Rolls-Royce has secured a significant investment of up to £599m from the UK's national wealth fund to develop the country's first small modular nuclear reactors (SMRs). The funding will support Rolls-Royce's design of SMRs at Wylfa on the island of Anglesey, Wales. The investment is expected to create around 1,000 jobs at Rolls-Royce and contribute to the UK's goal of generating electricity without carbon dioxide emissions. The project also offers the potential for a large new export industry in SMRs. The UK government has embraced nuclear energy as a key component of its clean energy strategy, and this investment marks a significant milestone in the development of SMR technology. SMRs aim to produce nuclear power stations in factories, driving down costs and speeding up installation. The Wylfa site has a history of nuclear power generation, having operated from 1971 until 2015. Hitachi had previously attempted to build a new nuclear power station at the site but abandoned its plans in 2020 due to funding issues. The site was later acquired by the state-owned Great British Energy – Nuclear (GBE-N) in 2024. The chancellor, Rachel Reeves, highlighted the importance of the investment, stating that it will strengthen energy security, create skilled jobs, and help build a new generation of homegrown nuclear technology that will power the UK's economy for decades to come. Tufan Erginbilgiç, chief executive of Rolls-Royce, described the investment as a critical milestone for the business and for the UK, marking the beginning of a golden age of new nuclear. The company owns the majority of Rolls-Royce SMR, alongside Qatar's sovereign wealth fund, France's BNF Resources, and the Czech utility CEZ.