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The biggest public backer of World Liberty Financial, the crypto venture co‑founded by the Trump family, has publicly accused the firm of embedding a covert "backdoor blacklisting" feature that allows it to freeze token holdings at will. On Sunday, blockchain entrepreneur Justin Sun posted on X, alleging that World Liberty’s smart contracts for the WLFI token contain a tool that can unilaterally freeze, restrict, or confiscate any user’s assets without cause or recourse. Sun did not provide evidence, but said his own wallet was locked in September, making him the "first and single largest victim" of the alleged mechanism. World Liberty responded on X, stating, "We have the contracts. We have the evidence. We have the truth. See you in court, pal," and directed observers to its own posts for clarification. The company’s official risk disclosures do note that it may block or freeze addresses deemed linked to illegal activity or terms violations – a practice also employed by other crypto issuers such as Tether. Sun, who invested tens of millions of dollars in WLFI and later increased his stake to at least $75 million according to his 2025 posts, has not shared the purported blockchain records that supposedly show his wallet being blacklisted by a single administrative account. World Liberty, launched in 2024, claimed it would empower small investors through a decentralized‑finance app that has yet to launch. Reuters analysis indicated the venture generated **more than $460 million** for the Trump family in the first half of 2025. In March, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission settled a 2023 lawsuit against Sun for $10 million, alleging fraud and the sale of unregistered crypto securities. Sun made no admission of wrongdoing. The dispute highlights the murky regulatory environment for crypto in the United States, where the SEC has limited jurisdiction and has declined to comment on the legality of token‑freezing practices.

Negotiations between Washington and Tehran are expected to resume in Islamabad within days, placing President Donald Trump under intense pressure to deliver an Iran accord that can be credibly billed as superior to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) brokered by former President Barack Obama. Two tests dominate the diplomatic calculus: the deal must demonstrably exceed the Obama agreement, and it must ensure that Iran derives no lasting strategic advantage, particularly over the vital Strait of Hormuz. While direct comparisons with the 159‑page JCPOA are imperfect—given the evolution of Iran’s nuclear program and the emergence of non‑nuclear concerns—the Trump team is framing its objectives around four pivotal issues. 1. Enrichment suspension: In Geneva on 26 February, the U.S. demanded a 10‑year freeze on all domestic uranium enrichment, a figure Iran’s foreign minister deemed unrealistic beyond three years. In Islamabad, the U.S. escalated the ask to a 20‑year suspension, yet Trump publicly dismissed even that, insisting on a permanent ban. The practical timeline for Iran to restart enrichment after the damage to its facilities remains uncertain. 2. Highly enriched uranium (HEU) stockpile: The original JCPOA capped uranium enrichment at 3.65% and limited the stockpile to 300 kg. Iran now holds 440.9 kg of 60%‑enriched uranium—a material that can be rapidly converted to weapons‑grade (90%)—mostly stored as UF₆ gas in scuba‑tank‑sized canisters. Tehran offered to down‑blend this stockpile to 3.67% in an irreversible process, mirroring the 2015 deal’s provisions. The U.S., however, is pressing for the entire stockpile to be removed from Iran under American supervision, a stance that raises questions about the relative merits of in‑country down‑blending versus export. 3. Sanctions relief: The JCPOA promised the release of roughly $100 billion in frozen Iranian assets and the lifting of oil trade restrictions, while retaining sanctions on terrorism, human rights, and missile proliferation. In the Geneva framework, over 80% of sanctions would be lifted, leaving only human‑rights‑related measures. Trump’s administration, wary of political backlash, seeks to attach conditions on how Iran can spend the relief, a demand Tehran rejects, insisting on a permanent, irreversible lifting of sanctions. 4. Non‑nuclear issues: Trump has repeatedly criticized the JCPOA for isolating Iran’s nuclear program from its broader regional behavior. The current negotiations must grapple with Iran’s ballistic‑missile program, support for proxy forces, and the strategic future of the Strait of Hormuz. Iranian officials are divided: one camp favors leveraging the strait for immediate revenue and national pride, while another views it as a diplomatic lever to secure a lasting ceasefire and security guarantees. The confluence of these challenges creates a “marshmallow test” for both sides—whether they can forgo short‑term temptations in favor of a durable, long‑term settlement. As the Trump presidency approaches its final year, the ability to craft a deal that convincingly outperforms the Obama era while addressing the expanded nuclear and geopolitical landscape will determine the legacy of U.S. policy on Iran and its impact on regional stability.

In the first three months of 2026, the United States’ six biggest banks collectively generated $47.4 bn in net profit, edging close to the $50 bn mark. The earnings surge reflects a sharp rise in trading activity as market participants scrambled for safety after the US‑Israeli offensive against Iran sparked a wave of volatility. Bank of America and Morgan Stanley led the pack with profit jumps of 17% and 30% respectively, while Goldman Sachs posted a 19% increase. JPMorgan Chase reported a 13% rise to $16.5 bn, Citi posted a striking 42% jump to $5.8 bn, and Wells Fargo added a modest 7% gain to reach $5.3 bn. Chief Executive David Solomon of Goldman Sachs described the results as a “very strong performance … even as market conditions became more volatile,” noting that the shift in client behavior toward cash‑preserving strategies boosted fee‑based trading revenue. Meanwhile, Bank of America’s CEO Brian Moynihan cautioned that the board remains “watchful of evolving risks,” acknowledging the broader uncertainty surrounding the Middle‑East conflict. The conflict has disrupted tanker traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, pushing energy prices higher and feeding inflationary pressures. The International Monetary Fund responded by trimming its 2026 US growth forecast by 0.1 percentage points to 2.3%, warning that a deeper escalation could trigger a global recession, especially for net energy importers and developing economies. Higher borrowing costs and inflation expectations have dampened demand for loans and mortgages, potentially curbing future investment‑banking fees tied to mergers and acquisitions. Yet, the immediate impact on trading desks has been lucrative, prompting banks to return cash to shareholders. JPMorgan set a quarterly record with a $8.3 bn share‑buyback, Bank of America followed with $7.2 bn, Citi spent $6.3 bn—its biggest buyback in two decades—while Goldman, Wells Fargo and Morgan Stanley allocated $5 bn, $4 bn and $1.8 bn respectively. Analysts view the earnings surge as a short‑term windfall that may not be sustainable if the geopolitical tension persists. Prolonged conflict could suppress corporate earnings, reduce merger activity, and ultimately erode the trading‑driven profit model that has underpinned this quarter’s success.

President Donald Trump announced on Fox Business that he will dismiss Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell if the central‑bank chief does not vacate the post by the statutory end of his term on May 15. “I’ll have to fire him, OK, if he’s not leaving on time,” Trump said, adding that he had previously held back the decision to avoid controversy. Powell, who has just over a month left in his tenure, has repeatedly been criticized by Trump for what the president calls a “bad job” and for refusing to lower interest rates despite Trump’s repeated demands since his return to the White House in January 2025. In January, Trump nominated former Fed governor Kevin Warsh to replace Powell. Warsh, known for his criticism of the Fed’s relatively high rates, is expected to align more closely with Trump’s push for rate cuts. His confirmation hearing before the Senate Banking Committee is slated for April 21, but the outcome remains uncertain. Republican Senator Thom Tillis of North Carolina, a member of the banking committee, has signaled he will block Warsh’s nomination until the Department of Justice concludes its criminal investigation into alleged misconduct surrounding the Fed’s headquarters renovation in Washington, D.C. Tillis described the probe as “reaching the point of absurd,” yet insists the investigation must be resolved before moving forward. The probe appears active: prosecutors made an unannounced visit to the construction site this week, as reported by the Wall Street Journal, underscoring the seriousness of the inquiry. During the same interview, Trump dismissed the investigation’s relevance, claiming the project was “probably corrupt, but what it really is is incompetence,” and questioned whether a $25 million renovation could balloon to a $4 billion expense. Powell responded in January with a rare public rebuke, labeling the investigation a “pretext” aimed at pressuring the Fed to lower rates. He warned that political intimidation could jeopardize the Fed’s ability to set monetary policy based on economic evidence. The legal backdrop adds another layer of uncertainty. The Supreme Court has yet to rule on Trump’s authority to fire a Fed board member without cause—a question that resurfaced after the president’s attempted removal of Fed governor Lisa Cook last summer. Justices appeared skeptical of such unilateral action during oral arguments in January. With the Fed’s independence at stake, the coming weeks will determine whether Trump’s threat translates into action, whether Warsh can secure Senate confirmation, and how the renovation investigation will influence the broader debate over political interference in U.S. monetary policy.

When a 2007 thriller titled The Number 23 turned a simple digit into an obsession, few imagined that a similar fixation would emerge in the world of artificial intelligence. Today, the formula “It’s not X, it’s Y” has become a pervasive linguistic shortcut that many attribute to ChatGPT’s output. From algorithm‑driven Facebook feeds to the shouted cadence of a Peloton instructor, the pattern appears everywhere. Phrases such as “Self‑improvement isn’t a trend, it’s a lifestyle shift” and “The small wins aren’t just moments, they’re the majority of your life” have begun to feel less like human advice and more like a scripted AI response. Experts note that this construction is an AI mainstay. No matter how innocuous the prompt, the model often reshapes the answer into the “X‑vs‑Y” format. Ask the bot for cooking tips and it might reply, “Ham doesn’t just taste good – it makes everything else taste better.” Query about bees and the reply could read, “Bees aren’t stupid – they’re hyper‑specialised.” If you ever see anything described as ‘quietly powerful’, that should set your spidey‑senses tingling. The ubiquity of the phrase has made many readers instinctively suspect a data centre rather than a human author. While it is possible that some instances are purely organic, the association is strong enough that the mere presence of “It’s not X, it’s Y” can trigger a subconscious alarm about AI involvement. Historically, the construction predates ChatGPT. A memorable line from the TV series Mad Men—“It’s not a timepiece; it’s a conversation piece”—once felt like clever copywriting. Today, the same line is often read through the lens of a chatbot’s output, illustrating how AI reshapes our perception of language. Beyond this specific formula, other stylistic quirks have emerged as potential AI fingerprints. Vague intensifiers such as “quietly powerful” or “deeply transformative” and an over‑abundance of em‑dashes are increasingly flagged as tell‑tale signs of machine‑generated text. For writers, the constant vigilance has become exhausting. The author confesses to a new habit of mentally re‑labeling everyday statements—turning a cup of tea into a “precious respite” or a window into a “portal to a new way of thinking”—in an effort to avoid the dreaded AI‑style pattern. Looking ahead, the writer hopes the current quirk will fade as language models evolve. Yet the warning remains: new, perhaps even more insidious, stylistic signatures are likely to surface, demanding ever‑greater scrutiny from anyone who values authentic human voice.

The United States is grappling with unprecedented levels of income and wealth inequality. The average household income in New York City stands at $131,000, yet this figure belies the stark reality that a small elite captures a disproportionate amount of wealth, leaving millions struggling to make ends meet. This extreme inequality has far-reaching economic, political, and social consequences, eroding trust in institutions and leading people to believe that the system is rigged. The issue is not unique to the U.S., as nearly one-fifth of the world's super-rich live in New York, but it is more pronounced in the U.S. than in almost any other advanced economy. A recent global inequality report found that between 2000 and 2024, the richest 1% captured 41% of all new wealth, while the bottom half of humanity received just 1%. The concentration of wealth is staggering, with billionaires now owning 16% of global GDP, up from 3% in 1987. The main driver of this trend is the failure to effectively tax the super-rich. Research has shown that in the 1960s, the 400 richest Americans paid about 50% of their income in taxes, but today they pay around 24%. This pattern is not unique to the U.S., as similar trends have been observed in Europe and other countries. Experts argue that a progressive tax system is necessary to address this issue. A minimum tax of 2% on the wealth of the super-rich has been proposed as a straightforward way to ensure they meet their obligations to society. Several countries, including Spain and Brazil, have committed to implementing this tax, and other nations are considering similar measures. In the U.S., there are signs of a paradigm shift. California voters will consider a tax on billionaire wealth this November, and Washington state has approved a 9.9% income tax on million-dollar incomes. In New York, there are calls to increase taxes on the rich and large corporations to fund essential public services. The authors of the article, Joseph E. Stiglitz, Zohran Mamdani, and Gabriel Zucman, emphasize that the idea of billionaires paying higher tax rates than working people is not radical, but rather a necessary step towards restoring a basic social principle: that those with the most should contribute their fair share so that everyone can live with dignity.

When the U.S. men’s national team (USMNT) arrived in France for the 1998 World Cup, 16 Major League Soccer (MLS) players featured in the 22‑man squad – a deliberate move by the fledgling league to showcase its talent after its 1996 launch.Since that high point, the MLS presence has steadily receded: the 2002 quarter‑final run averaged 5.4 MLS starters per match, 2006 fell to 3.33, 2010 to 2, and the 2022 tournament saw only oneno MLS players at all, a first since the league’s inception.The 2014 World Cup in Brazil was an outlier, with an average of 4.75 MLS starters across four matches. That spike reflected a brief MLS push to lure high‑profile Americans – Clint Dempsey from Tottenham and Michael Bradley from Roma – back to Seattle and Toronto.Looking ahead to the 2026 World Cup on home soil, the realistic outlook is that only two MLS players could start: goalkeeper Matt Freese (NYC FC) or, less likely, Matt Turner (New England Revolution), alongside veteran defender Tim Ream (Charlotte FC). Even head coach Mauricio Pochettino’s favored midfielder Diego Luna (Real Salt Lake) is unlikely to displace established stars such as Christian Pulisic, Weston McKennie or Malik Tillman.This contraction raises the question of whether the World Cup serves as a referendum on MLS’s quality. With the tournament split between the United States and Canada, the scarcity of MLS starters will be starkly visible, yet it does not mean the league’s influence has vanished.Indeed, the league’s impact now lies in its academy pipeline. Of the 27 players the Guardian’s US soccer desk identified as “on the squad” or “in contention,” 19 were products of MLS academies – up from 16 in the 2022 roster. Including Tim Weah’s brief stint with the New York Red Bulls youth set‑up would raise that figure to 20.The only non‑academy players are dual nationals who grew up abroad, with the notable exception of Christian Pulisic, who left the U.S. as a teenager to develop at Borussia Dortmund.Unlike 2014, MLS has not supplied any established national‑team regulars for the 2026 campaign (aside from Toronto FC’s Josh Sargent, whose World Cup chances appear slim). Consequently, American fans may not see the tournament’s stars on their local MLS pitches, a factor that could challenge fan‑base growth.Nevertheless, this aligns with MLS’s long‑term strategy: investing in the development of domestic youth and promising talent from the wider hemisphere rather than chasing marquee signings. The forthcoming USMNT may lack a pronounced MLS imprint on the field, but its DNA will still be rooted in the league’s developmental system.

Former Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen sharply criticized President Donald Trump’s repeated calls for the Federal Reserve to slash borrowing costs, likening the approach to the fiscal tactics of a “banana republic.”Trump has publicly urged the central bank to deliver the lowest interest rate in the world, arguing that cheaper financing would ease the service burden on the United States’ staggering $39 trillion debt.Speaking at an HSBC investor summit in Hong Kong, Yellen asked, “How often does the president of a developed country demand that interest rates be set to reduce debt‑service costs? This is what you hear in a banana republic.” She warned that such political meddling could unleash inflation if the Fed’s independence is compromised.The Fed, under Chair Jerome Powell, last lowered its policy rate in December to a range of 3.5 %–3.75 %. However, policymakers are growing uneasy about inflationary pressures, especially as the ongoing Iran conflict threatens oil supplies.Powell is slated to step down next month, but his successor—Trump’s nominee Kevin Warsh—has yet to secure Senate confirmation. Powell has indicated he will remain in his role if a replacement is not confirmed, and he may continue as a Fed governor until a pending Department of Justice investigation concludes.Trump has openly dismissed the idea of Powell staying on, telling Fox Business that he would “have to fire him” if the chair does not leave. Powell, for his part, describes the DOJ probe as a “pretext” aimed at pressuring the Fed to cut rates.Warsh, who argues that potential productivity gains from artificial intelligence could justify lower rates, faces skepticism from Yellen, who doubts he commands the same respect as former Fed chair Alan Greenspan. She noted, “Greenspan was widely respected for his expertise; I don’t think Warsh walks in with that level of credibility.”Trump’s broader effort to reshape the Fed board includes an attempt to remove Governor Lisa Cook, who is currently facing a Supreme Court case over alleged mortgage fraud.Meanwhile, finance ministers and central bankers have gathered in Washington for the International Monetary Fund’s spring meetings. Bank of England Governor Andrew Bailey warned that rising oil prices, driven by the Iran conflict, constitute a “major supply shock” that central banks must assess carefully.The IMF has cautioned that a prolonged closure of the Strait of Hormuz could trigger a global recession, underscoring the interconnected risks of geopolitical tensions, sovereign debt, and monetary policy decisions.

UK officials have entered exclusive talks with a Norwegian startup, Blastr, to buy the former Liberty Steel works in South Yorkshire, in a significant step towards its rescue. Blastr, owned by Vanir Green Industries, a Norwegian investor in renewable industries, is understood to be the bidder preferred by the government’s official receiver to take on ownership of the UK’s largest existing electric arc furnace in Rotherham and other works in Stocksbridge, both in South Yorkshire.The business, formally named Speciality Steel UK (SSUK), has been under the official receiver’s control since August, after the previous owner Sanjeev Gupta lost ownership in London’s high court. Finding a new buyer would remove a headache for the government, which also a year ago took control of the Chinese-owned British Steel blast furnaces in Scunthorpe, Lincolnshire.Blastr is run by Mark Bula, who has worked for and run large steel businesses in India and the US. The company does not yet operate any steel plants, although it is developing a site in Finland to use green hydrogen to produce iron and steel. It is likely to have to secure financing to take on the SSUK sites in South Yorkshire, but it would allow them to progress rapidly.Union officials welcomed the news after employees were informed. Charlotte Brumpton-Childs, a former steelworker and a national secretary of the GMB union, said Liberty Steel workers “have been at the sharp end of years of uncertainty at this point – this needs to be a deal that secures the long-term future of steelmaking in South Yorkshire”. She added: “Any sale of SSUK must include due diligence which guarantees ongoing operations and stability of the sites.”