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French authorities detained European Parliament member Rima Hassan on Thursday, accusing her of "apology for terrorism" after a social‑media post referenced Kozo Okamoto, a participant in the 1972 Ben Gurion Airport attack. The detention, reported by Le Parisien, marks a rare instance where a sitting MEP’s parliamentary immunity appears to have been set aside. According to the newspaper, Hassan had already removed the contentious post from X, but the investigation continued. Police also reported finding a small quantity of synthetic drugs in her possession during the arrest. Jean‑Luc Mélenchon, founder of the left‑wing La France Insoumise (LFI) party, condemned the move on X, stating, "There is no longer parliamentary immunity in France. Intolerable." He and other LFI colleagues argue the action is designed to silence supporters of Palestine. LFI parliamentarians Sophia Chikirou and Mathilde Panot echoed the criticism, accusing the French police and justice system of being weaponised against activists. Panot warned that President Emmanuel Macron’s France is witnessing a "new level" of criminalisation of political opponents. The controversy follows Hassan’s recent denial of entry to Canada, which she described as censorship, and a prior alert by far‑right National Rally politician Matthias Renault to Paris prosecutors about the same X post. Renault welcomed the detention, calling it "the beginning of the end of impunity for the LFI MP." Hassan, a 33‑year‑old French‑Palestinian lawyer elected to the European Parliament in 2024, is a vocal critic of Israel’s war in Gaza and participated in a Gaza‑bound flotilla intercepted by Israeli forces in October 2025. Her advocacy has repeatedly drawn ire from pro‑Israel groups across Europe. While Hassan and her legal team have not responded to Reuters’ requests for comment, the incident raises broader questions about the balance between anti‑terrorism legislation and political freedoms within the EU, especially as debates over Palestine intensify across the continent.

Pakistan and Afghanistan have confirmed they are holding talks in China aimed at ending the worst conflict between the South Asian neighbours since the Afghan Taliban returned to power in 2021.Senior officials from both countries are holding preliminary talks in the northwestern Chinese city of Urumqi to try to secure a ceasefire to end months of cross-border attacks, Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson Tahir Andrabi said on Thursday.The fighting has killed dozens of people on both sides and disrupted trade and cross-border travel since it started in October.Pakistan accuses Afghanistan of harbouring fighters who carry out attacks inside Pakistan, especially the Pakistani Taliban, known as Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The group is separate from but allied with the Afghan Taliban, which took over Afghanistan in 2021 following the chaotic withdrawal of United States-led troops.Andrabi told reporters in Beijing that the government hoped for a “durable solution”.“Our participation [in talks] is a reiteration of our core concerns,” he said.“The burden of real process, however, lies with Afghanistan, which must demonstrate visible and verifiable actions against terrorist groups using [its] soil against Pakistan.”Following China’s request for talks, Afghanistan’s Taliban government said it had sent a “mid-level delegation” to Urumqi.The Afghan side “intends to hold comprehensive and responsible talks with the other side on good neighbourliness, strengthening trade relations, and effective management of security issues”, Foreign Ministry spokesman Abdul Qahar Balkhi said.Pakistan described the negotiations as “working-level talks”.“Our delegation has not returned yet,” Islamabad’s Foreign Ministry spokesman said.China, which also borders both countries, has been trying to mediate a negotiated settlement to the conflict.Beijing deployed a special envoy to try to broker a deal last month, but the diplomatic effort was followed by Pakistani strikes on a Kabul rehab centre that prompted international condemnation.More than 400 people were killed in the attack, according to Afghan officials. Islamabad said the strike targeted military installations and “terrorist support infrastructure”.The two sides then announced a pause in fighting to mark the end of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, at the request of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkiye.But sporadic attacks have been reported in border areas since the temporary truce ended.

Gabriele Gravina, the head of Italy's football federation (FIGC), has resigned following the men's national team's failure to qualify for the World Cup for a third consecutive time. This decision comes after a meeting at the FIGC's headquarters in Rome on Thursday.Gravina's resignation was announced a day after Sport Minister Andrea Abodi called for his departure. Italy's national team lost to Bosnia and Herzegovina in a penalty shootout during the playoffs on Tuesday, securing their absence from this year's World Cup in the United States, Canada, and Mexico.The FIGC has scheduled a vote for a new president on June 22. Giovanni Malago, the former head of the Italian National Olympic Committee, is reportedly among the candidates. Additionally, head coach Gennaro Gattuso and general manager Gianluigi Buffon are expected to step down.Italy's football crisis prompted Abodi to state that the sport needs to be rebuilt from the ground up, starting with changes at the top of the FIGC. Gravina had previously acknowledged that Italian football is in a profound crisis.During his tenure, which began in 2018, Gravina oversaw Italy's Euro 2020 triumph under Roberto Mancini. However, two World Cup qualification failures and a disappointing European title defense led to his resignation.Italy's football woes extend beyond the national team, with Serie A clubs not winning the Champions League since 2010. The country's hosting rights for Euro 2032, which it will cohost with Turkey, are also under scrutiny due to concerns over stadium infrastructure.

Argentina has taken a significant step in its diplomatic relations with Iran by expelling the Iranian charge d'affaires in Buenos Aires, Mohsen Tehrani. This move comes in response to Iran's rejection of Argentina's decision to blacklist the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a 'terrorist' group.The Foreign Ministry of Argentina stated that Iran's response contained 'false, offensive and unfounded accusations against the Argentinian Republic and its highest authorities.' The ministry emphasized that these statements constitute unacceptable interference in Argentina's internal affairs and a deliberate misrepresentation of decisions adopted in accordance with international law and national law.Iran's Foreign Ministry had condemned Argentina's move against the IRGC, calling it an 'action against Iran's security and national interests.' Tehran accused Argentina of making this decision 'under the influence of inducements and pressures from the genocidal and occupying Zionist regime,' referring to Israel.The designation of the IRGC as a 'terrorist' group by Argentina follows similar moves by the US in 2019 and the European Union in January. Argentina's President Javier Milei, who has taken staunchly pro-Israel positions, described himself as 'the most Zionist president in the world.'The relationship between Argentina and Iran has been strained, particularly over the 1994 bombing of a Jewish centre in Buenos Aires, which an Argentinian court ruled was carried out by Iran. Iran has denied its involvement in the attack.Milei's government cited the 1994 attack in its decision to blacklist the IRGC. The Argentinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs accused Iran of failing to cooperate with the probe or hand over suspects in the case, stating that 'The Argentine Republic will not tolerate grievances or interference from a State that has systematically failed to comply with its international obligations and that persists in obstructing the progress of justice.'

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

NASA's Artemis II space mission has successfully launched from Florida, embarking on a historic journey around the moon with four astronauts on board. This mission marks a significant milestone in the United States space agency's plan to return humans to the moon and eventually send astronauts to Mars.The 32-storey rocket rose from NASA's Kennedy Space Center in Cape Canaveral, where tens of thousands gathered to witness the liftoff. The Artemis II crew, consisting of NASA astronauts Reid Wiseman, Victor Glover, and Christina Koch, and Canadian Space Agency astronaut Jeremy Hansen, are set for a nearly 10-day journey around the moon and back.“On this historic mission, you take with you the heart of this Artemis team, the daring spirit of the American people and our partners across the globe, and the hopes and dreams of a new generation,” said Charlie Blackwell-Thompson, the launch director. “Good luck, Godspeed Artemis II. Let’s go.”During the mission, the astronauts will spend the first one to two days in high Earth orbit carrying out extensive systems checks. They will then perform a critical engine burn known as translunar injection, which will send the spacecraft out of Earth's orbit and onto a trajectory towards the moon.The journey will take several days, during which the crew will continue monitoring spacecraft systems as they travel farther from Earth. Orion will then fly behind the moon on a free-return trajectory, a path that naturally swings the spacecraft back towards Earth using the gravity of both the moon and Earth, with minimal fuel required.After the lunar flyby, the crew will spend several days traveling back to Earth while carrying out additional deep-space tests on power systems, thermal controls, and crew operations. As Orion approaches Earth, the capsule will re-enter the atmosphere at speeds of about 40,233km per hour (25,000 miles per hour), before splashing down in the Pacific Ocean, where recovery teams will retrieve the crew.

A team of FBI agents has arrived in Cuba to launch an independent investigation into a deadly shootout between local border patrol officers and a Florida-tagged speedboat. The incident occurred on February 25, when 10 Cuban nationals attempted to enter Cuba by speedboat, armed with nearly 13,000 rounds of ammunition, 13 rifles, and 11 pistols.The shootout resulted in the deaths of five people, with the others being wounded and taken into custody. The Cuban government has stated that the assailants were Cuban exiles who came from the US with the intent to sow chaos and attack military units.The US embassy in Havana announced the FBI agents' arrival, stating that the trip was part of a "thorough and independent investigation" into the incident. An embassy official said the US would verify Havana's version of events, adding that the US would make decisions based solely on US interest, US law, and the protection of US citizens.Tensions have been high between the two nations since January, when US President Donald Trump imposed a virtual oil blockade on the island. The incident has sparked concerns about the escalating tensions between the US and Cuba, with the FBI's investigation expected to shed more light on the circumstances surrounding the deadly shootout.

A blinking fault light on NASA’s Orion spacecraft signalled a malfunction in the Universal Waste Management System (UWMS) just as the historic Artemis II crew began their 10‑day lunar‑orbit mission. Mission control reported the issue was resolved within minutes, stating: “Happy to report that toilet is go for use. We do recommend letting the system get to operating speed before donating fluid, and then letting it run a little bit after donation.”The $30 million (≈£22.6 million) UWMS, years in development, is hailed as a breakthrough in deep‑space sanitation, dramatically improving on the primitive setups used during Apollo. Back then, astronauts used a condom‑like urine collector and a bagged solid‑waste system that was prone to leaks and even produced “a turd floating through the air,” according to mission transcripts.Orion now features a private toilet cubicle – the first of its kind on a space shuttle – accessed through a floor hatch beside the main entry hatch. Handrails and foot tethers keep the crew anchored while inside.“We’re pretty fortunate as a crew to get a toilet with a door on this tiny spacecraft,” noted Jeremy Hansen of the Canadian Space Agency in a pre‑launch video. “The one place during the mission where we can go and actually feel like we’re alone for a moment.”The system uses a funnel attached to a hose for urine and a small seat for solid waste. Because everything floats, faeces are suctioned into a sealed bag at the bowl’s base and then compressed into a canister. The suction is loud enough that the cubicle is insulated and crew members must wear ear protection while using it.On longer stays, such as ISS missions, astronauts now recycle almost all liquid waste, turning urine and sweat into drinkable water. For the short Artemis II flight, urine will be vented daily and solid waste stored for disposal after return to Earth.Beyond comfort, the upgraded toilet is a mission‑critical component for NASA’s goal of a permanent lunar presence. Sustainable waste handling prevents health risks and avoids contaminating the pristine space environment with Earth microbes. As historian David Munns explained, “Actually thinking about not only toilets but the entire life‑support systems is one of the foundations of long‑term living in space.”

New research by Cleanview and a subsequent confirmation from Google reveal that the tech giant is collaborating with Crusade Energy to develop a 933‑megawatt natural‑gas power plant in the sparsely populated Armstrong County of the Texas panhandle. The facility will serve the Goodnight AI‑focused datacenter campus, signaling a notable departure from Google’s long‑standing clean‑energy narrative.The plant, slated for off‑grid operation, is intended to power at least two buildings on the Goodnight site. Satellite imagery commissioned by Cleanview shows construction already under way, following a permit application filed in January.According to the 465‑page permit filing, the plant could emit as much as 4.5 million tons of carbon dioxide per year—roughly the same amount released annually by the entire city of San Francisco. This emission level underscores the environmental stakes of the project.Cleanview founder Michael Thomas described the venture as “one of the first direct investments in fossil‑fuel infrastructure” he has seen from Google, suggesting a strategic pivot away from the company’s historic climate leadership.When queried, Google spokesperson Chrissy Moy did not deny the partnership but clarified that “we don’t have a contract in place for the plant in Texas.” She noted that negotiations are ongoing and pointed to a separate wind‑farm partnership with Serena Energy in the region. Crusoe Energy declined to comment.The Texas project is Google’s third known involvement with gas‑fuel facilities in recent months. Earlier in October, the company announced an agreement to purchase power from a gas plant in Illinois, and documents obtained in May revealed exploratory talks on a large‑scale gas project in Nebraska.Despite the shift, Google maintains that natural gas does not conflict with its climate objectives. The firm argues it is moving from a strategy of buying carbon credits to one of “building the grid” to secure carbon‑free energy for its operations.At a recent energy conference in Houston, Google’s head of advanced energy, Michael Terrell, declined to elaborate on how natural gas aligns with the company’s sustainability roadmap.From carbon‑free promises to “climate moonshots”Google has long positioned itself as a climate leader, setting a 2020 goal to achieve net‑zero carbon emissions across all operations by 2030 and investing heavily in wind, solar, geothermal and nuclear projects. However, the rapid expansion of AI workloads has strained those commitments.The 2023 sustainability report noted that Google was no longer “maintaining operational carbon neutrality,” and a 2024 update reported a 48 % rise in greenhouse‑gas emissions since 2019, driven largely by datacenter energy demand.By 2025, the company reframed its emissions targets as “climate moonshots,” acknowledging the growing complexity of meeting its 2030 ambitions amid AI‑driven uncertainties.Google is not alone in this trend. Competitors such as Meta, Amazon and Microsoft have also turned to natural‑gas‑powered facilities to meet the soaring energy needs of their AI infrastructures, highlighting a broader industry tension between rapid AI deployment and climate pledges.Thomas of Cleanview summed up the situation: “The race to build AI is creating a new tension with climate goals that these hyperscalers have long championed.”