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In a recent interview published by the Free Press, former UK prime minister Tony Blair asserted that the British left has entered an “unholy alliance” with Islamist groups, framing criticism of Israel’s Gaza operations as a new form of anti‑semitism. He further praised former President Donald Trump’s proposed plan for Gaza, describing it as “bold and intelligent.”The commentary arrives amid a sharp decline in British public support for Israel. A YouGov poll found that only 12 % of respondents back Israel’s actions in Gaza, while a clear majority favor measures such as an arms embargo, sanctions, and even the prosecution of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for alleged war crimes.Blair’s allegation that the left “casts the Jewish community as supporters of the Israeli government” is challenged by evidence of a broader shift in public sentiment. The Greens, now a leading force on the English left, oppose the Gaza offensive and reject Islamophobia, yet they are led by a Jewish gay politician and champion a socially progressive agenda that includes LGBTQ+ rights and gender equality—hardly the hallmarks of “Islamism.”Data on American Jewry is also invoked. While 71 % of Jewish Americans voted for Kamala Harris in the 2024 election, a separate poll indicated that 40 % of Jewish respondents believe Israel’s military actions amount to genocide, a figure rising to half among those under 35. These figures illustrate that criticism of Israel does not automatically equate to anti‑semitic sentiment.The piece also revisits Blair’s own controversial foreign‑policy record. His government approved extensive arms sales to Saudi Arabia and shut down investigations into those deals, while his post‑premiership institute continued to receive substantial Saudi funding even after the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi. Moreover, the 2003 invasion of Iraq, led by Blair, is widely regarded as having provided a recruitment boost to Islamist extremist groups.Critics argue that Blair’s narrative is a strategic attempt to deflect growing Western criticism of Israel by painting opponents as extremist sympathizers. The term “Islamo‑gauchisme,” used in France to describe similar accusations, exemplifies a broader pattern of demonising Muslim participation in democratic politics.In sum, the article contends that Blair’s claim lacks substantive evidence, overlooks prevailing public opinion, and mirrors past tactics of smearing dissenting voices. As the debate over Israel’s conduct in Gaza intensifies, the left’s opposition appears rooted in humanitarian concerns rather than any covert Islamist agenda.

Just before sunset on Florida’s Space Coast, an estimated 400,000 people are expected to line the beaches and causeways to watch NASA’s Artemis II lift off at 6:24 p.m. ET, weather permitting. The launch will be the first crewed departure from low‑Earth orbit since the Apollo 17 mission in December 1972. Commander Reid Wiseman told reporters at the Kennedy Space Center that the nation and the world have been waiting “a long time” for this moment. The four‑person crew—Americans Christina Koch and Victor Glover, Canadian astronaut Jeremy Hansen, and Wiseman himself—have entered quarantine ahead of the flight. During the 10‑day test flight, which will not attempt a lunar landing, Koch and Glover will become the first woman and first person of color to travel into cislunar space, the region between Earth and the Moon. Hansen will be the first non‑American to do so. The Orion capsule is expected to travel more than 4,600 miles (7,400 km) beyond the Moon’s far side on day six, reaching a total distance of just under 253,000 miles from Earth—surpassing the Apollo 13 record of 248,655 miles set in 1970. Beyond the historic milestones, Artemis II serves as a critical stepping stone for NASA’s broader lunar ambitions. Administrator Jared Isaacman has outlined a $20 billion Moon base program slated for completion by the end of the decade, and the mission will capture high‑resolution images of the Moon’s south‑pole region—potential sites for future landings and the base. Technical preparations have addressed previous setbacks, including a resolved heat‑shield issue from Artemis I and a helium‑leak that delayed Artemis II’s rollout in February. NASA’s final weather briefing gave the launch an 80 % chance of favorable conditions, with a five‑night launch window available should a scrub be required. Inside the capsule, the crew will spend ten days in a confined space roughly the size of a small camper van, testing life‑support systems, radiation exposure, and microgravity effects. Wiseman noted the psychological challenges of close‑quarters living, saying, “By day six or seven we’ll all be thinking, ‘I need a little space,’ but we’re a good crew.” The launch has sparked a surge of tourism in Cape Canaveral and Cocoa Beach, with hotels filling quickly as spring‑breakers add the event to their itineraries. Despite schedule delays and cost overruns—NASA acknowledges the program is “billions of dollars over budget”—the agency remains confident that Artemis II will demonstrate the capabilities needed for the next crewed landing, scheduled for Artemis IV in 2028. As Wiseman summed up, “NASA was founded to tackle the near‑impossible. This mission is the next step in America’s return to the lunar environment, and when we get there, we intend to stay.”

An American journalist has been kidnapped in Baghdad by a suspected Iranian-backed Iraqi armed group, the US said, as regional security deteriorates after the US-Israeli attack on Iran. The state department said it was working to ensure the American’s release 'as soon as possible'. “An individual with ties to the Iranian-aligned militia group Kataib Hezballah believed to be involved in the kidnapping has been taken into custody by Iraqi authorities,” Dylan Johnson, the assistant secretary of state for global public affairs, wrote on X. Iraq said that authorities intercepted a vehicle that overturned as they tried to flee. “Security forces were able to arrest one of the suspects and seize one of the vehicles used in the crime,” the Iraqi interior ministry said in a statement. The journalist was identified as Shelly Kittleson, a freelancer, by media advocacy groups as well as Al-Monitor, one of the news outlets for which she worked. Kittleson is a longtime freelancer in the region, reporting extensively from Syria and Iraq. Al-Monitor in a statement said it was “deeply alarmed” by Kittleson’s kidnapping and called for her “safe and immediate release”. “We stand by her vital reporting from the region and call for her swift return to continue her important work,” the news organisation said. The US has warned Americans of rising risks in Iraq, where Iran has sway over several Shia armed groups, after the US and Israel attacked Iran on 28 February. Johnson said that the state department had “fulfilled our duty” to warn the journalist about threats and reiterated a warning for Americans to leave Iraq.

The Iraqi Ministry of Interior announced on Tuesday that an unidentified foreign journalist was seized by "unknown individuals" in Baghdad, though the reporter’s name was not disclosed in the initial statement.Security forces swiftly pursued the kidnappers, arresting one suspect and confiscating the vehicle used in the abduction. Authorities emphasized that investigations remain ongoing to locate all participants and secure the journalist’s release.This kidnapping comes as Iraq experiences a surge in violence linked to the broader US‑Israel war on Iran. Recent weeks have seen attacks on Iraqi security forces in Anbar province and elsewhere, underscoring a volatile security environment.The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) expressed deep concern after media reports identified the victim as U.S. freelance journalist Shelley Kittleson. CPJ’s Middle East regional director, Sara Qudah, urged Iraqi authorities to "do everything in their power to locate Shelley Kittleson, ensure her immediate and safe release, and hold those responsible to account."U.S. State Department official Dylan Johnson confirmed that Washington is "aware of the reported kidnapping of an American journalist" in Baghdad. He noted that the State Department had previously issued a warning to the journalist about threats and that it is coordinating with the FBI to facilitate a swift release.Johnson also revealed that Iraqi authorities have taken into custody an individual with ties to the paramilitary group Kataib Hezbollah, who is believed to be involved in the kidnapping.Press‑freedom advocates have repeatedly called on the Iraqi government to strengthen protections for journalists. Reporters Without Borders warned that journalists face "threats from all sides" amid political instability and financial pressure, noting that abductions are often employed to "terrorise and silence" media workers.CPJ has documented a series of press‑freedom violations since the war began on February 28, including a mid‑March assault on a television crew in Kirkuk allegedly carried out by fighters affiliated with the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), a faction of Iraq’s armed forces with Iran‑aligned elements.

Beirut, Lebanon – On 24 March, Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi announced that Iran’s ambassador to Lebanon, Mohammad Reza Sheibani, was declared persona non grata and ordered to depart by 29 March. Two days after the deadline, the envoy remained in Beirut, refusing to leave. The episode unfolds against a broader conflict that has already claimed more than 1,000 lives and displaced over 1.2 million people within a single month of Israeli military action in Lebanon. It also highlights a deepening schism in Lebanese politics between supporters of the pro‑Iranian Shia militia Hezbollah and those demanding its disarmament. Imad Salamey, a political scientist at the Lebanese American University, told Al Jazeera that the ambassador’s defiance is a symptom of a larger contest over legitimacy and authority. IRGC’s Strategic Role Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) helped forge Hezbollah in 1982 as a response to Israel’s invasion. Over the decades, Tehran’s billions of dollars in funding elevated Hezbollah to Lebanon’s most powerful political and military force. Hezbollah’s popularity peaked in 2000 after driving Israeli forces from south Lebanon, but subsequent engagements—including the 2006 war, the 2008 Beirut street battles, the Syrian civil war, and the 2019 domestic protests—have eroded its broader support. When Hezbollah entered open conflict with Israel on 8 October 2023, it enjoyed limited backing beyond the Shia community. By the November 2024 cease‑fire, the group was at a low point, with Israel having killed more than 4,000 Lebanese, including leader Hassan Nasrallah and much of Hezbollah’s command. International pressure then mounted for Hezbollah’s disarmament, prompting Prime Minister Nawaf Salam and President Joseph Aoun to prioritize the issue. According to several analysts, the IRGC exploited the cease‑fire lull to dispatch officials to Lebanon, restructuring Hezbollah’s command and possibly ordering its re‑entry into the war on 2 March—just days after Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei was assassinated. Prime Minister Salam has publicly claimed the IRGC is “managing the military operation in Lebanon” and even accused Tehran of launching an attack on Cyprus. Ambassador Refuses to Exit In response to the perceived IRGC influence, Raggi’s declaration stripped Sheibani of diplomatic immunity. Dania Arayssi, senior analyst at the New Lines Institute, described the move as a “landmark decision” given Iran’s entrenched role in Lebanese politics. Iran’s Foreign Ministry, however, maintains that Sheibani will not depart, and Hezbollah has openly pledged to protect him, warning that any government attempt to disarm the militia will be met with “punishment.” Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri—longtime Hezbollah ally—initially backed the government’s ban on Hezbollah’s military activity after the March re‑entry, illustrating the fluidity of alliances within Lebanon’s power‑sharing system. State Authority Tested Hezbollah’s renewed campaign, which includes dozens of cross‑border attacks and direct engagements with Israeli forces on Lebanese soil, is reshaping the political calculus. The militia’s revived confidence challenges the Lebanese government’s ability to enforce disarmament. While the ambassador remains protected inside the Iranian diplomatic compound—effectively beyond the reach of Lebanese law—critics argue that Tehran’s refusal to honor the expulsion order undermines the state’s authority, already weakened by months of war. Salamey summed up the dilemma: “The state is asserting its authority on paper, but internal divisions and competing claims of legitimacy constrain its practical power, testing the limits of Lebanon’s fragile power‑sharing arrangement.”

Coordinated strikes by United States and Israeli forces hit Tehran, Isfahan and several other Iranian cities on Tuesday, prompting widespread power outages and extensive damage to civilian sites. The Ministry of Energy confirmed that shrapnel from the raids ruptured a primary power‑transfer line, but the outage was restored within a few hours. Among the most critical targets was the Tofigh Darou pharmaceutical complex in the Karaj industrial zone. The facility, which supplies over 90% of Iran’s domestically produced medicines—including cancer and multiple‑sclerosis treatments—sustained heavy damage from multiple projectiles. In central Iran, Isfahan endured a barrage of heavy bunker‑buster bombs over a nearby mountainous area, likely aimed at military installations. The explosions triggered secondary blasts that illuminated the night sky and produced reverberating shockwaves across the city. North‑west of Tehran, in Zanjan, a building identified as the administrative department of the Hosseinieh Azam religious centre was struck, resulting in at least four fatalities and several injuries. Iranian authorities now claim that more than 2,000 people have been killed by US‑Israeli attacks since the conflict erupted on 28 February, with residential blocks, schools, hospitals and historic sites also affected. Additional targets this week included civilian nuclear facilities, major steel producers, petrochemical plants, and the Iran University of Science and Technology, where an imaging satellite was developed. A professor linked to Iran’s missile programme and his two children were assassinated at their home in northern Tehran. U.S. President Donald Trump reiterated threats to strike Iran’s oil and gas infrastructure, power plants and water‑desalination facilities. Despite the onslaught, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) continues to project defiance. A spokesperson for the Khatam al‑Anbiya Central Headquarters declared that Tehran’s adversaries are “humiliated and on the path of destruction,” while senior commander Ali Fadavi warned that American warships are vulnerable and allegedly transmit false transponder signals. The IRGC also released footage of ballistic missiles aimed at Israel and surrounding nations, and claimed to have downed two U.S. MQ‑9 Reaper drones, promising retaliatory strikes against technology firms linked to the United States and Israel. Domestically, the judiciary announced the execution of two members of the foreign‑based Mojahedin‑e‑Khalq (MEK) group, labeling them terrorists. This follows a series of recent executions tied to the January protests and broader dissent. Authorities also issued new indictments against roughly 200 individuals accused of assisting the U.S. and Israel, including alleged “mercenaries” who disseminated strike footage abroad. Penalties for national‑security offenses now encompass asset confiscation and capital punishment. President Masoud Pezeshkian convened his first cabinet meeting since the war’s onset in a makeshift, blue‑covered space, emphasizing that any peace negotiations will safeguard Iran’s “dignity, security and national interests.” Israel’s Channel 14 reported that Pezeshkian sought greater negotiating leverage with the United States, a request allegedly rebuffed by IRGC chief Ahmad Vahidi.

Airport security lines across the United States are significantly shortening following President Donald Trump's emergency directive to pay Transportation Security Administration (TSA) workers. This development comes after weeks of lengthy delays at security checkpoints nationwide. At major airports such as New York's John F. Kennedy (JFK) International Airport, wait times have dropped to under 30 minutes. Similar improvements have been observed at Houston's George Bush Intercontinental Airport and Baltimore's Thurgood Marshall Airport. Despite this temporary relief, over 500 TSA officers have left the agency since the recent government shutdown, according to data shared by the TSA. This exodus highlights the ongoing challenges faced by the agency due to recurrent funding lapses. “The bigger issue is that this is the third time in six months that TSA has gone through a funding lapse,” noted Eric Chaffee, a professor at Case Western Reserve University School of Law. “Every time this happens, the agency loses experienced staff, and it becomes harder to attract new ones.” While TSA workers are set to receive their back pay, with Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin stating that payments would begin as early as Monday, the sector still faces instability. On Friday, 10.59% of TSA agents called out on Saturday and 12.35% on Friday, according to the Department of Homeland Security. The ongoing partial US government shutdown, now in its 45th day, continues to impact negotiations in Congress. Despite House Republicans voting to fully fund DHS for 60 days, the bill was met with resistance from Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, who deemed it “dead on arrival.” In the financial markets, US airline stocks continue to decline, with United Airlines down 2.4%, Delta down 1.5%, American Airlines down 0.4%, and Southwest down 1.9% in midday trading.

UConn’s last‑second victory over Duke – a freshman buzzer‑beater by Braylon Mullins – will be replayed for years, but the post‑game scene stole the headlines. Coach Dan Hurley approached referee Roger Ayers and touched the official’s forehead while staring intently at him, an act some social‑media users labeled a “head‑butt.”Ayres later told ESPN the incident was “absolutely nothing,” and officials chose not to assess a technical foul that could have given Duke two free throws with 0.4 seconds left. Hurley later claimed he believed Ayers was trying to “chest‑bump me to celebrate.”This was not Hurley’s first brush with controversy. Earlier in March he was fined for “unsportsmanlike conduct” after confronting an official during a game against Marquette, and he has previously taunted opponents and warned Baylor players after a loss to Florida.While many fans describe Hurley as “passionate” or “fiery,” the episode raised a broader question: would a Black coach receive the same leniency? Tennessee State’s Black head coach Nolan Smith responded to a video of the incident on Instagram, joking, “I’ll never try this. I’ll be coaching in Pelican Bay,” and then noting that a Black coach would likely be labeled out of control or even handcuffed.The concern is not hypothetical. In 2025 Tuskegee coach Benjy Taylor was handcuffed by police while trying to calm a heated situation, an outcome many argue would have been unlikely for a white counterpart. Similarly, veteran white coach Rick Pitino survived a major scandal involving an assistant’s escort‑paying scheme and continues to coach at a high‑profile program, a trajectory that would be far less probable for a Black coach in the same circumstance.These examples illustrate what the author describes as a systemic double standard that extends beyond the basketball court, echoing broader societal patterns of white privilege. The piece juxtaposes the flawless public image demanded of Black leaders like Barack Obama with the comparatively permissive treatment of white figures such as Donald Trump, whose legal and personal controversies have not barred him from the highest office.By linking these disparate cases, the article argues that the rules governing behavior and accountability differ for Black individuals across American institutions, including college sports, and that this disparity continues to shape careers and public perception.

Jurors in two separate U.S. courts delivered historic rulings that, for the first time, hold major social‑media platforms financially accountable for designs that allegedly harm young users. In New Mexico, a jury ordered Meta to pay $375 million for claims that its products contributed to child sexual exploitation and other harms. The following day, a California jury found both Meta and YouTube liable, imposing $6 million in damages for deliberately engineering addictive experiences. The verdicts arrive amid a wave of lawsuits filed by more than 2,000 plaintiffs—including families, school districts, and state attorneys general—targeting Meta, YouTube, TikTok and Snap. While both companies have announced intentions to appeal, the judgments signal a shift from public criticism to concrete legal exposure. During the trials, Meta’s defense repeatedly cited the American Psychiatric Association’s position that “social media addiction is not a thing” in the DSM‑5‑TR. The APA countered that the absence of a formal diagnosis does not negate the phenomenon’s existence, emphasizing growing research on the mental‑health impacts of compulsive platform use. Internal communications presented as evidence painted a starkly different picture. A 2020 Meta email exchange described Instagram as “a drug” and likened the company’s role to that of “pushers,” while another message warned that targeting 11‑year‑olds resembled tactics once used by tobacco firms. Similar concerns emerged from YouTube, where an internal document explicitly stated the goal was “not viewership, it’s viewer addiction.” TikTok’s own research echoed these findings, concluding that users could become addicted in under 35 minutes and that compulsive usage correlates with a range of negative mental‑health outcomes. Moody’s, a risk‑assessment firm, warned that the dual verdicts establish a precedent whereby design‑driven user harm can trigger liability. In an analysis, analysts Adam Grossman and Taro Ramberg noted that insurers should focus on the emerging “design‑centered liability theory,” which links engagement‑driven features—such as infinite scrolling and autoplay—to compensable injuries. They cautioned that the current cases are merely the first data points in a broader legal trend. Beyond social media, the same design principles appear in video games, sports‑betting platforms, AI chatbots and online retail. Moody’s tracker lists over 1,100 pending cases in Los Angeles alone and estimates roughly 4,000 lawsuits targeting 166 U.S. companies for allegedly addictive software design. Both Meta and YouTube maintain that they disagree with the verdicts. YouTube’s spokesperson called the California decision a “misunderstanding” of the platform’s nature, while Meta emphasized the complexity of teen mental health and the non‑unanimous nature of the California jury’s finding. Nevertheless, the courts have signaled that even without a settled clinical definition of “social‑media addiction,” companies can be held responsible for the foreseeable harms of their product designs.